A. When the Affordable Care Act was written, lawmakers knew that it would be essential to get healthy people enrolled in coverage, since insurance only works if there are enough low-cost enrollees to balance out the sicker, higher-cost enrollees. So the law included an individual mandate, otherwise known as the shared responsibility provision.
But that tax penalty was eliminated after the end of 2018, under the terms of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017. Technically, the individual mandate itself is still in effect, but there’s no longer a penalty to enforce it.
(The continued existence of the mandate – but without the penalty – is the crux of the California v. Texas lawsuit, in which 18 states are challenging the constitutionality of the mandate without the penalty, and arguing that the entire ACA should be overturned if the mandate is unconstitutional. A judge ruled in December 2018 that the ACA should indeed be overturned, and Trump Administration agrees. The case was appealed to the Fifth Circuit and oral arguments were heard in July 2019. The ruling was issued in late 2019, essentially just kicking the can down the road: The appeal court panel agreed with the lower court that the individual mandate is unconstitutional but remanded the case back to the lower court to determine which aspects of the ACA should be overturned. The case was then heard by the Supreme Court in the fall of 2020, with a ruling expected in the spring of 2021. But with the Biden administration and a very slim Democratic majority in Congress, it may be possible to make the case moot before the ruling is issued.)
DC, Massachusetts, New Jersey, California, and Rhode Island have penalties for being uninsured
Although the IRS is not penalizing people who are uninsured in 2019 and beyond, states still have the option to do so. A handful of states have their own individual mandates and penalties for non-compliance:
Massachusetts implemented an individual mandate and penalty in 2006, and it continues to be in effect (people who were uninsured in Massachusetts between 2014 and 2018 didn’t have to pay both the state and federal penalties, but now that there’s no federal penalty, the state’s penalty applies just like it did prior to 2014). The Massachusetts penalty only applies to adults, and the amount of the penalty is based on the person’s income and the cost of health plans available via the Massachusetts health insurance exchange (here are the details for penalty amounts in Massachusetts in 2020).
The District of Columbiaimplemented an individual mandate and penalty that took effect in January 2019. The penalty amounts are based on the amounts that applied under the federal penalty in 2018 (a flat $695 per adult — half that for a child — or 2.5 percent of income, whichever is higher), although the maximum penalty under the percentage of income calculation is based on the average cost of a bronze plan in DC, as opposed to the average nationwide cost of a bronze plan.
New Jersey also implemented an individual mandate and penalty that took effect in January 2019. The penalty amounts also mirror the previous federal penalty, but the maximum penalty under the percentage of income calculation is based on the average cost of a bronze plan in New Jersey. The state is using penalty revenue to help fund its new reinsurance program.
California enacted legislation in 2019 that created an individual mandate starting in 2020, with a penalty for non-compliance. California also created a new state-based premium subsidy to help make coverage more affordable.
Rhode Island also implemented an individual mandate effective in 2020, with a penalty for non-compliance. The revenue generated from the penalty is used to help fund the state’s new reinsurance program. Both the individual mandate and the reinsurance program will have a stabilizing effect on Rhode Island’s individual market.
Vermont enacted a mandate but opted not to impose any penalty for non-compliance
Vermont enacted legislation in 2018 to create a state-based individual mandate, but they scheduled it to take effect in 2020, instead of 2019, as the penalty details weren’t included in the 2018 legislation and were left instead for lawmakers to work out during the 2019 session. But the penalty language was ultimately stripped out of the 2019 legislation (H.524) and the version that passed did not include any penalty. So although Vermont does technically have an individual mandate as of 2020, there will not be a penalty associated with non-compliance (ie, essentially the same thing that applies at the federal level).
Maryland also removed penalty language from 2019 legislation
Maryland enacted HB814/SB802 in 2019. The legislation initially included an individual mandate and penalty that would have taken effect in 2021. But that portion of the bill was removed before passage, despite support from insurers and the Maryland Hospital Association, and the final version did not include any of the original mandate penalty language. Instead, the new law creates an “easy enrollment health insurance program” that will use tax return data to identify people who are uninsured and interested in obtaining health coverage, and then connect them with the Maryland health insurance exchange (more details here, in the fiscal note).
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance.png512512wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2021-01-05 02:23:582021-01-06 18:22:30Is there still a penalty for being uninsured?
Health plans (and subsidies) are available in the individual market for recent immigrants age 65+.
Undocumented immigrants cannot buy plans in the exchange, but some states provide coverage for some undocumented immigrant children and pregnant women.
Short-term health plans are an alternative for recent immigrants who can’t afford an ACA-compliant plan.
California abandoned its efforts to allow undocumented immigrants to buy full-price plans in the exchange, and New York legislation did not advance.
Trump administration’s “public charge” rule and immigrant visa insurance requirements: Both rules have been blocked by the courts, but an appeals court has stayed the vacating of the public charge rule, so it can still be implemented in some states, and an appeals court has vacated the injunction that had blocked the health coverage requirements for immigrants.
Did the ACA improve access to health coverage for immigrants?
For more than a decade, roughly one million people per year have been granted lawful permanent residence in the United States. In addition, there are about 11 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S, although that number has fallen from a high of more than 12 million in 2005.
New immigrants can obtain health insurance from a variety of sources, including employer-sponsored plans, the individual market, and health plans that are marketed specifically for immigrants.
The Affordable Care Act has made numerous changes to our health insurance system over the last several years. But recent immigrants are often confused in terms of what health insurance options are available to them. And persistent myths about the ACA have made it hard to discern what’s true and what’s not in terms of how the ACA applies to immigrants.
So let’s take a look at the health insurance options for immigrants, and how they’ve changed – or haven’t changed – under the ACA.
Use our calculator to estimate how much you could save on your ACA-compliant health insurance premiums.
Can any immigrant select from available health plans during open enrollment?
Open enrollment for individual-market health insurance coverage runs from November 1 to December 15 in most states.
During this window, any non-incarcerated, lawfully present U.S. resident can enroll in a health plan through the exchange in their state – or outside the exchange, if that’s their preference, although financial assistance is not available outside the exchange.
Are immigrants eligible for health insurance premium subsidies?
You do not have to be a U.S. citizen to benefit from the ACA. If you’re in the U.S. legally – regardless of how long you’ve been here – you’re eligible for subsidies in the exchange if your income is in the subsidy-eligible range and you don’t have access to an affordable, minimum value plan from an employer. Premium subsidies are available to exchange enrollees if their income is between 100 percent and 400 percent of the federal poverty level (FPL), but subsidies also extend below the poverty level for recent immigrants, as described below.
(A new rule issued by the Trump administration in 2019 expanded on the long-standing “public charge” rule. This rule took effect in early 2020. It was vacated by a federal judge as of November 2020, but that order was stayed by an appeals court just two days later, meaning that the Trump administration’s public charge rule can still be implemented while litigation continues on this case. Under the public charge rule, receiving premium subsidies in the exchange does not make a person a public charge under the new rule, but not receiving premium subsidies is considered a “heavily weighted positive factor” in the overall determination of whether a person is likely to be a public charge. This is discussed in more detail below.)
When you become a new U.S. citizen or gain lawfully present status, you’re entitled to a special enrollment period in your state’s exchange. You’ll have 60 days from the date you became a citizen or a lawfully present resident to enroll in a plan through the exchange, with subsidies if you’re eligible for them.
There are a variety of other special enrollment periods that apply to people experiencing various qualifying life events. These special enrollment periods are available to immigrants and non-immigrants alike.
Are recent immigrants eligible for ACA subsidies?
The ACA called for expansion of Medicaid to all adults with income up to 138 percent of the poverty level, and no exchange subsidies for enrollees with income below the poverty level, since they’re supposed to have Medicaid instead. But Medicaid isn’t available in most states to recent immigrants until they’ve been lawfully present in the U.S. for five years. To get around this problem, Congress included a provision in the ACA to allow recent immigrants to get subsidies in the exchange regardless of how low their income is.
Low-income, lawfully present immigrants – who would be eligible for Medicaid based on income, but are barred from Medicaid because of their immigration status – are eligible to enroll in plans through the exchange with full subsidies during the five years when Medicaid is not available. Their premiums for the second-lowest-cost Silver plan are capped at 2.07 percent of income in 2021 (this number changes slightly each year).
In early 2015, Andrew Sprung explained that this provision of the ACA wasn’t well understood during the first open enrollment period, even by call center staff. So there may well have been low-income immigrants who didn’t end up enrolling due to miscommunication. But this issue is now likely to be much better understood by exchange staff, brokers, and enrollment assisters. If you’re in this situation and are told that you can’t get subsidies, don’t give up — ask to speak with a supervisor who can help you (for reference, this issue is detailed in ACA Section 1401(c)(1)(B), and it appears on page 113 of the text of the ACA).
Lawmakers included subsidies for low-income immigrants who weren’t eligible for Medicaid specifically to avoid a coverage gap. Ironically, there are currently about 2.3 million people in 13 states who are in a coverage gap that exists because those states have refused to expand Medicaid (two of those states — Missouri and Oklahoma — will expand Medicaid as of mid-2021, and Georgia will partially expand Medicaid, eliminating the coverage gap; at that point, there will only be 10 states with coverage gaps). Congress went out of their way to ensure that there would be no coverage gap for recent immigrants, but they couldn’t anticipate that the Supreme Court would make Medicaid optional for the states and that numerous states would block expansion, leading to a coverage gap for millions of U.S. citizens.
Can recent immigrants 65 and older buy exchange health plans?
The ACA also limits premiums for older enrollees to three times the premiums charged for younger enrollees. So there are essentially caps on the premiums that apply to elderly recent immigrants who are using the individual market in place of Medicare, even if their income is too high to qualify for subsidies.
Are undocumented immigrants eligible for ACA coverage?
Although the ACA provides benefits to U.S. citizens and lawfully present immigrants alike, it does not directly provide any benefits for undocumented immigrants.
The ACA specifically prevents non-lawfully present immigrants from enrolling in coverage through the exchanges [section 1312(f)(3)]. And they are also not eligible for Medicaid under federal guidelines. So the two major cornerstones of coverage expansion under the ACA are not available to undocumented immigrants.
Some states have implemented programs to cover undocumented immigrants, particularly children and/or pregnant women. For example, Oregon’s Cover All Kids program provides coverage to kids in households with income up to 305 percent of the poverty level, regardless of immigration status. California has had a similar program for children since 2016, and as of 2020, it also applied to young adults through the age of 25. New York covers kids and pregnant women in its Medicaid program regardless of income, and covers emergency care for other undocumented immigrants in certain circumstances.
It’s important to understand that if you’re lawfully present, you can enroll in a plan through the exchange even if some members of your family are not lawfully present. Family members who aren’t applying for coverage are not asked for details about their immigration status. And HealthCare.gov clarifies that immigration details you provide to the exchange during your enrollment and verification process are not shared with any immigration authorities.
How many undocumented immigrants are uninsured?
In terms of the insurance status of undocumented immigrants, the numbers tend to be rough estimates, since exact data regarding undocumented immigrants can be difficult to pin down. But according to Pew Research data, there were 11 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S. as of 2014.
According to a recent Kaiser Family Foundation analysis, undocumented immigrants are significantly more likely to be uninsured than U.S. citizens: 45 percent of undocumented immigrants are uninsured, versus about 8 percent of citizens.
So more than half of the undocumented immigrant population has some form of health insurance coverage. Kaiser Family Foundation’s Larry Levitt noted via Twitter that “some are buying non-group, but I’d agree that it’s primarily employer coverage.” And in 2014, Los Angeles Times writer Lisa Zamosky explained the various options that undocumented immigrants in California were using to obtain coverage, including student health plans, employer-sponsored coverage, and individual (i.e., non-group) plans purchased off-exchange (on-exchange, enrollees are required to provide proof of legal immigration status).
Uninsured undocumented immigrants do have access to some healthcare services, regardless of their ability to pay. Federal law (EMTALA) requires Medicare-participating hospitals to provide screening and stabilization services for anyone who enters their emergency rooms, without regard for insurance or residency status.
Since emergency rooms are the most expensive setting for healthcare, local officials in many areas have opted for less expensive alternatives. Of the 25 U.S counties with the largest number of undocumented immigrants, the Wall Street Journal reports that 20 have programs in place to fund primary and surgical care for low-income uninsured county residents, typically regardless of their immigration status.
Do ACA exchanges check the status of immigrants who want to buy coverage?
As part of the enrollment process, the exchanges are required to verify lawfully present status. In 2014, enrollments were terminated for approximately 109,000 people who had initially enrolled through HealthCare.gov, but who were unable to provide the necessary proof of legal residency (enrollees generally have 95 days to provide documentation to resolve data matching issues for immigration status).
By the end of June 2015, coverage in the federally facilitated exchange had been terminated for roughly 306,000 people who had enrolled in coverage for 2015 but had not provided adequate documentation to prove their lawfully-present status. In the first three months of 2016, coverage in the federally facilitated exchange was terminated for roughly 17,000 people who had unresolved immigration data matching issues, and coverage was terminated for the same reason for another 113,000 enrollees during the second quarter of 2016.
There’s concern among consumer advocates that some lawfully present residents have encountered barriers to enrollment – or canceled coverage – due to data-matching issues. If you’re lawfully present in the U.S (which includes a wide range of immigration statuses), you can legally use the exchange, and qualify for subsidies if you’re otherwise eligible. Be prepared, however, for the possibility that you might have to prove your lawfully present status.
There are enrollment assisters in your community who can help you with this process if necessary. But if you’re not lawfully present, you cannot enroll through the exchange, even if you’re willing to pay full price for your coverage. You can, however, apply for an ACA-compliant plan outside the exchange, as there’s no federal restriction on that.
Should immigrants consider short-term health insurance?
Immigrants who are unable to afford ACA-compliant coverage might find that a short-term health insurance plan will fit their needs, and it’s far better than being uninsured. Short-term plans are not sold through the health insurance exchanges, so the exchange requirement that enrollees provide proof of legal residency does not apply with short-term plans.
Recent immigrants who are eligible for premium subsidies in the exchange will likely be best served by enrolling in a plan through the exchange — the coverage will be comprehensive, with no limits on annual or lifetime benefits and no exclusions for pre-existing conditions. But healthy applicants who aren’t eligible for subsidies (including those affected by the family glitch, and those with income just a little above 400 percent of the poverty level), as well as those who might find it difficult to prove their immigration status to the exchange, may find that a short-term policy is their best option.
With any insurance plan, it’s important to read the fine print and understand the ins and outs of the coverage. But that’s particularly important with short-term plans, as they’re not regulated by federal law (other than the rules that limit their terms to no more than 364 days, and total duration to no more than 36 months including renewals). Some states have extensive rules for short-term plans, so availability varies considerably from one state to another (you can click on a state on this map to see how the state regulates short-term plans).
Travel insurance plans are another option, particularly for people who will be in the U.S. temporarily and who don’t qualify for premium subsidies in the exchange. Just like short-term plans, travel insurance policies are not compliant with the ACA, so they generally won’t cover pre-existing conditions, tend to have gaps in their coverage (since they don’t have to cover all of the essential health benefits) and will come with limits on how much they’ll pay for an enrollee’s medical care. But if the other alternative is to go uninsured, a travel insurance plan is far better than no coverage at all.
How are states making efforts to insure undocumented immigrants?
California wanted to open up its state-run exchange to undocumented immigrants who can pay full price for their coverage. The state already changed the rules to allow for the provision of Medicaid (Medi-Cal) to undocumented immigrant children, starting in 2016 (and expanded this to young adults as of 2020). As a result, about 170,000 children in California gained access to coverage.
And in June 2016, California Governor Jerry Brown signed SB10 into law, setting the stage for the state to eventually allow undocumented immigrants to enroll in coverage (without subsidies) through Covered California, the state-run exchange.
New York lawmakers considered legislation in 2019 that would have allowed undocumented immigrants to purchase full-price coverage in NY’s state-based exchange, but it did not progress in the legislature. As noted in the text of the legislation, New York would have needed to obtain federal permission to implement this law if the state had enacted it.
Trump administration’s public charge rule and immigrant health insurance rule: Both have been blocked by the courts, but the public charge rule can still be implemented in many states and an appeals court has vacated the injunction that had blocked the immigrant health insurance rule
In August 2019, the Trump administration finalized rule changes for the government’s existing “public charge” policy, after proposing changes nearly a year earlier. And in October 2019, President Trump issued a proclamation to suspend new immigrant visas for people who are unable to prove that they’ll be able to purchase (non-taxpayer funded) health insurance within 30 days of entering the US “unless the alien possesses the financial resources to pay for reasonably foreseeable medical costs.” But both of these rules have since been blocked by federal judges, but subsequent court rulings have relaxed or overturned those earlier actions. The Biden administration is expected to reverse the rule changes in the fairly near future.
The public charge rule was slated to take effect October 15, 2019, but federal judges blocked it on October 11, temporarily delaying implementation. In January 2020, the Supreme Court ruled (in a 5-4 vote) that the public charge rule could take effect while an appeal was pending, and it took effect in February 2020. The Supreme Court declined to temporarily pause the rule amid the COVID pandemic. But U.S. District Judge Gary Feinerman, in Chicago, vacated the rule in its entirety, nationwide, as of November 2020. Just two days later, however, the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals stayed Judge Feinerman’s order, allowing the Trump administration’s version of the public charge rule to continue to be implemented while litigation on this case continues. On December 2, however, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals blocked the rule from being applied in 18 states and DC. So as of December 2020, the public charge rule can be used by immigration officials in some states but not in others.
A 2019 Kaiser Family Foundation analysis of the rule indicated that millions of people might disenroll from Medicaid and CHIP (even though CHIP enrollment is not a negatively weighted factor under the new rule) over concerns about the public charge rule, and that “coverage losses also will likely decrease revenues and increase uncompensated care for providers and have spillover effects within communities.”
In addition to the public charge rule being vacated (albeit very temporarily, as the order was soon stayed and the rule is allowed to continue to be implemented for the time being, although not in the states where the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals has blocked it), the health insurance rules for immigrants were also initially blocked by the courts.
In November 2019, the day before the proclamation regarding health coverage for immigrants was to take effect, a 28-day restraining order was issued by District Judge Michael H. Simon. Judge Simon subsequently issued a preliminary injunction, blocking the rule from taking effect. And an appeals court panel upheld the ruling in May 2020. But in December 2020, a three-judge panel from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit vacated the preliminary injunction, issuing a 2-1 ruling in favor of allowing the Trump administration’s immigrant health insurance requirements to be implemented.
The ruling is not immediately binding, however, and the challengers to the immigrant health insurance rule have 45 days to petition for a rehearing with the full Ninth Circuit. By that point, the Biden administration will be in place, and is expected to reverse the rule, making it unlikely that it will actually be implemented.
Even before they were initially blocked by the courts, the new public charge rule and the new immigrant health insurance requirement did not change anything about eligibility for premium subsidies in the exchange — subsidies continued to be available to legally-present residents who meet the guidelines for subsidy eligibility. But these new rules were designed to make it harder for people to enter the US in the first place, and had the effect of deterring otherwise eligible people from applying for financial assistance with their health coverage, including assistance via Medicaid or CHIP for their US-born children.
And advocates note that the rule, which was proposed in 2018, began to lead to coverage losses immediately, even though it didn’t take effect until 2020. The rule has to numerous immigrants forgoing the benefits for which they and their children are eligible, out of fear of being labeled a public charge. Georgetown University’s Health Policy Institute, Center for Children and Families noted this fall that the public charge rule change was one of the factors linked to the sharp increase in the uninsured rate among children in the U.S.
The longstanding public charge rule states that if the government determines that an immigrant is “likely to become a public charge,” that can be a factor in denying the person legal permanent resident (LPR) status and/or entry into the U.S.
For two decades, the rules have excluded Medicaid (except when used to fund long-term care in an institution) from the services that are considered when determining if a person is likely to become a public charge. The new rule changed that: Medicaid, along with Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), and several low-income housing programs were added to the list of services that would push a person into the “public charge” category. The National Immigration Law Center notes that the public charge assessment does not apply to lawful permanent residents who are renewing their green cards.
Critically, CHIP and ACA premium subsidies are not included among the new additions to the public charge determination, although the final rule does incorporate a “heavily weighted positive factor” that essentially gives the person credit for having private health insurance without using the ACA’s premium subsidies. (In other words, a person’s likelihood of being labeled a public charge will decrease if they have health insurance without premium subsidies, but enrolling in a subsidized plan through the exchange will not count as a negative factor in determining whether the person is likely to become a public charge.)
Very few new immigrants are eligible for Medicaid, due to the five-year waiting period that applies in most cases. But immigrants who have been in the U.S. for more than five years can enroll in Medicaid, and more recent immigrants can enroll their U.S.-born children in Medicaid; these are perfectly legal uses of the Medicaid system. But even before the new rule was scheduled to take effect, it was making immigrants fearful about applying for subsidies, CHIP, or health coverage in general — for themselves as well as for their family members who are U.S. citizens and thus entitled to the same benefits as any other citizen.
Health insurance proclamation for new immigrants
The restraining order for the health insurance proclamation, the subsequent preliminary injunction, and the appeals court panel’s ruling were in response to a lawsuit filed in October 2019, in which plaintiffs argued that the new health insurance rules for immigrants are arbitrary and simply wouldn’t work, given the actual health insurance options available for people who haven’t yet arrived in the US. The court system has, for the time being, blocked the proclamation from taking effect nationwide. And although the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals has vacated the injunction that had been blocking the rule, the Biden administration is expected to overturn the immigrant proclamation soon after taking office.
This Q&A with Immigration attorney William Stock provides some very useful insight into the implications of the health insurance proclamation for new immigrants, if it had been allowed to take effect. The new rules wouldn’t have applied to immigrant visas issued prior to November 3, 2019 (the date the rules were slated to take effect), but people applying to enter the US on an immigrant visa after that date would have had to prove that they have or will imminently obtain health insurance, or that they have the financial means to pay for “reasonably foreseeable medical costs” — which is certainly a very grey area and very much open to interpretation (these rules could take effect at a later date, if and when the proclamation is allowed to take effect).
The rule would not have allowed new immigrants to plan to enroll in a subsidized health insurance plan in the exchange. Premium subsidies would have continued to be available to legally present immigrants, but new immigrants entering the US on an immigrant visa would have had to show that their plan for obtaining health insurance did not involve premium subsidies in the exchange. And applicants cannot enroll in an ACA-compliant plan unless they’re already living in the US, so people trying to move to the US would not have been able to enroll until after they arrive.
There are also concerns about the logistics of getting a plan in place if a person wanted to sign up for a full-price ACA-compliant plan: Gaining lawfully-present immigration status is a qualifying event that allows a person to enroll in a plan through the exchange (but not outside the exchange), but the special enrollment period is not available in advance; it starts when the person gains their immigration status. At that point, the person has 60 days to enroll. If they sign up by the 15th of the month, coverage starts the following month. But if they sign up after the 15th of the month, coverage starts the first of the second following month, which might be more than 30 days after the person arrives in the country. In short, the requirements of the proclamation don’t necessarily match up with the logistics of how enrollment works in the ACA-compliant market.
Under the terms of the proclamation, short-term health insurance plans would have been considered an acceptable alternative for new immigrants. But short-term plans often have a requirement that non-US-citizens have resided in the US for a certain amount of time prior to enrolling, which would make them unavailable for people living outside the US who are applying for an immigrant visa. A travel/expat policy (which has a limited duration, just like short-term coverage) would be available in these scenarios, however, and can be readily obtained by healthy people who are going to be living or traveling outside of their country of citizenship.
Under a Democratic administration, would health insurance assistance for immigrants expand?
The Medicare for All bills introduced by Senator Bernie Sanders and by Representative Pramila Jayapal would expand coverage to virtually everyone in the U.S., including undocumented immigrants. Some leading Democrats prefer a more measured approach, similar to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 healthcare reform proposal, which included a provision similar to California’s subsequently withdrawn 1332 waiver proposal. (It would have allowed undocumented immigrants to buy coverage in the exchanges, although without subsidies.) Joe Biden’s health care plan includes a similar proposal, which would allow undocumented immigrants to buy into a new public option program, albeit without any government subsidies.
But over the first seven years of exchange operation, roughly 85 percent of exchange enrollees have been eligible for subsidies, and only 15 percent have paid full price for their coverage. So although public option plans are expected to be a little less expensive than private plans, it’s unclear how many undocumented immigrants would or could actually enroll in public option without financial assistance.
Harold Pollack has noted that our current policy of entirely excluding undocumented immigrants from the exchanges is “morally unacceptable.” As Pollack explains, Clinton’s plan (and now Biden’s plan) to extend coverage to undocumented immigrants by allowing them to buy unsubsidized coverage in the exchange is a good first step, but it must be followed with comprehensive immigration reform to “bring de facto Americans out of the shadows into full citizenship.”
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/obamacare-subsidy-calculator-400x400-1.jpg400400wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2021-01-05 02:00:312021-01-06 18:22:31How immigrants can obtain health coverage
Only three CO-OPs are operational as of 2021, but one has expanded into a new state
When the first ACA open enrollment period got underway in the fall of 2013, there were 23 Consumer Operated and Oriented Plans (CO-OPs). But within a few years, just four CO-OPs were still operational, offering health insurance plans in five states. That was the case from 2018 through 2020, but one of the four remaining CO-OPs, — New Mexico Health Connections — closed at the end of 2020, leaving only three CO-OPs operational as of 2021. However, Mountain Health CO-OP expanded into Wyoming for 2021, and is now offering coverage in three states. Here’s how the CO-OP landscape looks for 2021 coverage:
Community Health Options in Maine
Mountain Health CO-OP (Montana Health CO-OP) in Montana,Idaho, and Wyoming (expansion into WY new for 2021)
Common Ground Healthcare Cooperative in Wisconsin
For 2021 individual market plans, the CO-OPs mostly decreased premiums or increased them only slightly:
CHO in Maine decreased premiums by an average of 13.7 percent.
Mountain Health CO-OP increased premiums by an average of 2.68 percent in Montana and an average of 2 percent in Idaho.
In 2019/2020, there were only a little more than 135,000 people enrolled in four CO-OPs. That’s down from more than a million enrollees in 2015, when the CO-OPs were at their peak and most were still operational.
Community Health Options had about 37,000 enrollees (including individual and small group plans; individual market enrollees totaled about 28,000 in 2020).
Mountain Health CO-OP had about 18,200 enrollees in Montana in 2020, and 14,000 in Idaho as of 2019 (plus a low number of small-group enrollees, per SERFF filings MHEC-131927403 and MHEC-131962194).
New Mexico Health Connections had about 19,000 members (all in the individual market) as of 2019. This had dropped to about 14,000 by mid-2020; declining enrollment amid the COVID-19 pandemic is one of the reasons NM Health Connections closed at the end of 2020.
Common Ground had about 52,000 members in 2019 (about 51,000 in the individual market, plus about 950 in the small group market, according to SERFF filing CGHC-131973379)
What are CO-OPs and how are they different?
CO-OPs were created under a provision of the Affordable Care Act (aka Obamacare). The idea for CO-OPs was proposed by Senator Kent Conrad (D-ND) when the original public plan option was jettisoned during the health care reform debate. Lawmakers added the CO-OP provision to the Affordable Care Act to placate Democrats who had pushed for a government-run, Medicare-for-all type of health insurance program.
At the time, progressives who preferred a public option derided CO-OPs as a poor alternative because they can’t utilize the efficiencies of scale that would come with Medicare For All, nor do they have the market clout that a single payer system would have when negotiating reimbursement rates with providers.
But supporters noted that because CO-OPs are neither government agencies nor commercial insurers, they could put patients first, without having to focus on investors or Congressional politics.
Instead of paying shareholders, CO-OP profits are reinvested in the plan to lower premiums or improve benefits (since most of the CO-OPs were not financially sustainable and ended up closing, profits have been few and far between). And customers’ health insurance needs and concerns become a top priority because the CO-OP’s customers/members elect their own board of directors. And a majority of these directors must themselves be members of the CO-OP.
CO-OPs are private, nonprofit, state-licensed health insurance carriers. Their plans can be sold both inside and outside the health insurance exchanges, depending on the state, and can offer individual, small group, and large group plans. But they’re limited to having no more than a third of their policies in the large group market (a more lucrative market than individual or small group). Most of the CO-OPs’ membership has been concentrated in the individual market. New Mexico Health Connections was an exception, as they had more enrollees in their employer-sponsored plans (including large group plans) than in their individual market plans. But New Mexico Health Connections sold their employer-sponsored plans to a new for-profit entity in 2018, leaving the CO-OP with just the individual market segment. And New Mexico Health Connections will close altogether at the end of 2020; its 14,000 individual market enrollees will need to select plans from other insurers for 2021.
Lawmakers had originally planned to provide $10 billion in grants to get the CO-OPs up and running in every state. But insurance industry lobbyists and fiscal conservatives in Congress succeeded in reducing the total to $6 billion, and turning it into loans — with relatively short repayment schedules — instead of grants (and CO-OPs were not permitted to use federal loan money for marketing purposes). Then, during budget negotiations in 2011, those loans were cut by another $2.2 billion. And in 2012, during the fiscal cliff negotiations, CO-OP funding was reduced even further — and applications from 40 prospective CO-OPs were rejected
Ultimately, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid (CMS) awarded about $2.4 billion in loans to 23 CO-OPs across the country (there were 24 CO-OPs, but Vermont Health CO-OP never became operational. CMS retracted their loan in September 2013 — before the exchanges opened for the first open enrollment — because there were doubts that the program could be viable with Vermont’s impending switch to single-payer healthcare in 2017; ironically, Vermont pulled the plug on their single-payer vision in late 2014).
The CO-OP failures have been due in large part to a combination of premiums that were too low, benefits that were too generous, enrollees who were sicker than anticipated, competition from bigger carriers with larger reserves, the risk corridor shortfall that was announced in the fall of 2015, and the risk adjustment payment announcements that were made in June 2016 (see below for a timeline of the closures).
But despite those issues, the four remaining CO-OPs continue to operate successfully. So although the individual market is still a challenging environment, the remaining CO-OPs do seem to have carved a sustainable niche.
Focus on cost savings and reinvested profits
How do CO-OPs increase cost efficiencies?
CMS laid out guidelines for CO-OPs to use “private purchasing councils” through which CO-OP carriers can use collective purchasing power to obtain lower costs on a variety of items and services, including claims administration, accounting, health IT, or reinsurance. Private purchasing councils are allowed to use their collective purchasing power to negotiate rates or network arrangements with providers and health care facilities, as antitrust issues could otherwise arise.
But the Kaiser Family Foundation notes that CO-OPs can emphasize Patient-Centered Medical Home models to keep costs down. (the PCMH model allows physicians to use health information technology and care managers to provide a full spectrum of care that’s coordinated among each patient’s various providers. The goal is to keep patients healthy – and out of the hospital – by using best practices and evidence-based medicine. If PCMH doctors are successful, they qualify for bonuses).
CO-OPs generally emphasize preventive care in an effort to keep their members healthy.
A challenge for CO-OPs was developing provider networks. At least 15 of the original CO-OPs were renting networks from other insurers, which added to their administrative expenses. In Maine, Community Health Options (the one profitable CO-OP in 2014, and one of only four CO-OPs still operational in 2020) built its own provider network from the ground up, a move that CEO Kevin Lewis noted as one of the reasons for CHO’s success. CO-OPs also have the option to hire doctors directly, rather than contract with them through provider networks (the upside for the doctors is that the CO-OP then handles the administrative details, and the doctor can focus on healthcare instead).
Where are CO-OPs still selling plans in 2021?
There are three CO-OPs that are offering plans in five states in 2021. Although the vast majority of the original CO-OPs have failed, these three have shown signs of overall stability, including rate decreases for some plans in 2019, 2020, and/or 2021.
Community Health Options (CHO) This was originally called Maine Community Health Options, but the name was changed to reflect the carrier’s expansion outside of Maine. 44,000 people enrolled in coverage through the exchange in 2014, and 83 percent of them selected Community Health Options, making the CO-OP’s first year an amazing success.
CHO expanded into New Hampshire for 2015, fueled by their initial success in 2014 and by a new loan from CMS. During the second open enrollment period, CHO once again dominated the Maine market, securing about 80 percent of the exchange market share. They also enrolled about 5,000 people in New Hampshire. However, CHO reported significant losses in the third quarter of 2015, and decided to limit enrollment in individual plans for 2016. Enrollment directly through Community Health Options ceased December 15, 2015; enrollment in Community Health Options plans through Healthcare.gov ceased December 26.
CHO ended 2015 with $74 million in losses — a far cry from the profitable year they had in 2014. In early 2016, Maine’s Insurance Superintendent proposed putting the CO-OP in receivership and canceling a portion of its plans (about 20,000 members would have been transitioned to other coverage). But CMS didn’t allow that, saying that the plan cancellations would run afoul of the ACA’s guaranteed-renewable provision. Instead, the CO-OP is under increased oversight from the Maine Bureau of Insurance, which puts out monthly reports that detail how the CO-OP is faring relative to its business plan.
CHO is the only remaining CO-OP that received money—as opposed to having to pay out money—under the risk adjustment program for 2015 and again for 2016. For 2017, Community Health Options had an average rate increase of 25.5 percent in Maine, where the bulk of their members lived. They exited New Hampshire entirely at the end of 2016, and reverted to operating solely in Maine, as they did in 2014. They implemented an average rate increase of 15.8 percent for 2018 in the individual market. For 2019, and again for 2020, however, CHO increased average premiums by less than 1 percent each year.
CHO’s total membership was 67,539 at the end of 2016, and had dropped to 44,015 by the first quarter of 2017 (all in Maine, since they’re no longer offering plans in New Hampshire). By September 2018, the CO-OP’s membership stood at 51,583, but it had dropped again, to 37,135, by late 2019 (about three-quarters were in the individual market, the rest were in the group market — mostly small group, but some large group as well).
Mountain Health Cooperative Montana Health CO-OP started in Montana, and expanded to Idaho in 2015. Then-CEO Jerry Dworak noted in 2015 that the CO-OP didn’t expand too quickly, and maintained substantial reserves; they were not relying as heavily as other CO-OPs on risk corridor payments to shore up their financial position.
Average rates for Mountain Health CO-OP in Idaho increased by 26 percent for 2016. For 2017, Mountain Health CO-OP’s average rate increase was 29 percent in Idaho, and 31 percent in Montana. As of December 22, 2016, the CO-OP ceased enrollments in Montana due to the “large number of new members for 2017.” The enrollment freeze was lifted in July 2017 for off-exchange enrollments; on-exchange enrollments in Montana were expected to become available in the summer of 2017 as well. In both cases, this was ahead of schedule, as the CO-OP had originally expected the lift the enrollment freeze as of November 1, at the start of open enrollment.
In another indication of the CO-OP’s increasing viability, their average proposed rate increase for 2018 was only 4 percent in Montana. This demonstrates that the 31 percent average rate increase for 2017 may have been enough to stabilize the CO-OP and “right-size” the premiums. Ultimately, the average rate increase for 2018 ended up being considerably higher, at 16.6 percent, due to the Trump Administration’s decision to eliminate federal funding for cost-sharing reductions (CSR).
For 2019, the CO-OP implemented an average rate increase of 10.3 percent in Montana and 7 percent in Idaho. And for 2020, their average rates decreased by nearly 12 percent in Montana, and increased by 6 percent in Idaho. And rates in both years would have been lower if not for the Trump Administration’s decisions to expand access to short-term plans and association health plans, and the GOP tax bill provision that eliminated the individual mandate penalty after the end of 2018 (all of these changes ultimately reduce the number of healthy people who purchase coverage in the ACA-compliant market).
The CO-OP’s board of directors announced in June 2018 that Richard Miltenberger would serve as the new CEO of Mountain Health CO-OP. In 2018, the CO-OP had about 25,000 members in Montana, and 24,000 in Idaho. In Montana, the CO-OP had more individual market enrollees than either of the other two insurers that offer plans in the state.
For 2021, the CO-OP raised rates only slightly in both Montana and Idaho, and has also expanded into neighboring Wyoming, which has only had one individual market insurer since 2016.
For 2018, Common Ground’s average rate increase was 63 percent. But it would only have been about 20 percent if the Trump Administration hadn’t eliminated federal funding for cost-sharing reductions. The rate increase for 2018 applied to about 29,000 members who had coverage in the individual market.
But for 2019, the CO-OP’s average premiums decreased by almost 19 percent. For 2020, they decreased again, by about 9 percent, and for 2021, they decreased again, by more than 6 percent. This series of rate decreases indicates a much more stable environment than they were facing for 2018.
2015 risk adjustment: 9 of 10 CO-OPs owed payments
Under the ACA’s risk adjustment program, health insurers with lower-risk enrollees end up paying money to health insurers with higher-risk enrollees. The idea is to prevent insurers from designing plans that appeal only to healthy enrollees, and to ensure that premiums reflect benefit levels, rather than the overall health of a plan’s enrollees. But CO-OPs found themselves disproportionately having to pay into the risk adjustment program, which hampered their financial progress and resulted in several having to close their doors.
On June 30, 2016, HHS released data on risk adjustment numbers for 2015. Of the 10 CO-OPs that were still operational at that point, nine had to pay into the risk adjustment program for 2015; only one remaining CO-OP – Community Health Options (operating in Maine and New Hampshire at that point) – received a risk adjustment payment. Community Health Options received about $710,000 in risk adjustment funds.
Some of the remaining CO-OPs had begun to be profitable in early 2016 (details below), but their financial situations now had to be considered in conjunction with the fact that the CO-OPs had to pay out the following amounts in risk adjustment payments, making their financial futures even more uncertain (of the nine CO-OPs that owed money in 2016 for the risk adjustment program, six have closed or are facing impending closure; only the CO-OPs listed in bold continue to be fully operational)
Mountain Health CO-OP/Montana Health CO-OP (Idaho and Montana): $481,000
Oregon Health CO-OP (Community Care of Oregon): $914,000 (closed; plans ended July 31, 2016)
Common Ground CO-OP (Wisconsin): $1.9 million
Minuteman (operates in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, but risk adjustment outlay was for NH; MA operates its own risk adjustment program): $11 million (Minuteman has filed a lawsuit against CMS in an effort to “invalidate the illegal Risk Adjustment methodology and institute necessary changes immediately.” Minuteman Health is in receivership, and will stop offering coverage at the end of 2017)
New Mexico Health Connections: $14.6 million. NM Health Connections filed a lawsuit against HHS in August 2016 over the risk adjustment program, requesting that the program be halted until improvements could be made. A judge sided with the CO-OP, and the Trump Administration briefly halted all risk adjustment collections and payments in response to the ruling. This would have been destabilizing to the individual markets nationwide if it had continued, but CMS announced in late July 2018 that insurers expecting risk adjustment payments for 2017 would receive them, on schedule, in the fall of 2018.
Healthy CT: $13.4 million (closed; plans ended December 31, 2017)
Evergreen Health CO-OP (Maryland): $24.2 million (Evergreen filed a lawsuit in 2016 to block the collection of the risk adjustment payments; a district judge denied the CO-OP’s request, and the CO-OP immediately appealed the decision; Between $2 million and $3 million of the risk adjustment payment was to be withheld by CMS in mid-July from funds owed to the CO-OP for premium subsidies and cost-sharing reductions, and the remainder of the payment had to be remitted by Evergreen by August 15). Evergreen noted that they would have profited between $2 million and $3 million in 2016 if it weren’t for the $24 million they had to pay into the risk adjustment program. As a result of the losses, they began the process of being acquired by private investors and converting to a for-profit entity (this process ultimately didn’t happen fast enough for Evergreen to be able to sell or renew individual plans for 2017; in July 2017 the investors terminated the acquisition, and Maryland regulators ultimately placed Evergreen Health in receivership).
Land of Lincoln (Illinois): $31.8 million (the state ordered Land of Lincoln to withhold payment until if and when the CO-OP received the money they were supposed to get in 2015 for the 2014 risk corridors program. That tactic didn’t work however, and in July 2016, Illinois regulators began the process of closing Land of Lincoln Health; the CO-OP was placed in liquidation as of October 1, 2016).
Freelancer’s CO-OP (Health Republic Insurance of New Jersey): $46.3 million (in September 2016, regulators placed Health Republic in rehabilitation, and the CO-OP stopped selling new plans; the risk adjustment payment — which was much more than they had previously been advised it would be — was cited as a primary reason for the CO-OP’s financial instability).
HHS implemented changes to the risk adjustment program for 2018, to make it more equitable and less burdensome for new, smaller carriers. But risk adjustment has remained a contentious issue. New Mexico Health Connections sued the federal government over the risk adjustment formula, arguing that it disadvantaged smaller, newer insurers (like the CO-OP) and favored larger, more established insurers. A judge agreed with the CO-OP, and ruled that the federal government needed to justify its risk adjustment formula for 2014-2018.
The Trump Administration responded by announcing in July 2018 that all risk adjustment payments and collections, nationwide, would cease for the time being, which caused widespread uncertainty and concern among health insurers and state regulators. But in late July, CMS announced that they would resume payments under the risk adjustment program, and insurers due to receive a total of $5.2 billion in risk adjustment payments for 2017 will receive that money in the timely fashion in the fall of 2018.
2016 risk adjustment: 4 out of 5 remaining CO-OPs once again owed money
On June 30, 2017, HHS published the risk adjustment report for 2016. Maine Community Health Options was once again the only remaining CO-OP to receive funding under the risk adjustment program; they got $9.1 million.
The report also detailed the amount that insurers owe or would receive for 2016 under the ACA’s temporary reinsurance program (2016 was the last year for the reinsurance program). All five of the remaining CO-OPs received money from the 2016 reinsurance program, but in most cases, it was not as much as they had to pay out under the risk adjustment program.
Maine Community Health Options — the only remaining CO-OP receiving funding under the risk adjustment program for 2016 — also received $21 million under the 2016 reinsurance program, which was far more than any of the other CO-OPs received.
Common Ground CO-OP had to pay $3.7 million in risk adjustment (but received $10.5 million in reinsurance)
Mountain Health CO-OP/Montana Health CO-OP had to pay $8.3 million in risk adjustment (but received $2.9 million in reinsurance)
New Mexico Health Connections had to pay $8.9 million in risk adjustment (but received $3 million in reinsurance) NM Health Connections sued the federal government in 2016 over the risk adjustment program, arguing that the system was set up in a way that ultimately ends up taking money from smaller, newer insurers and giving it to larger, more established insurers. A judge sided with the CO-OP, and the Trump Administration responded by briefly suspending payments and collections under the risk adjustment program nationwide.
Minuteman, which closed at the end of 2017, had to pay $25.4 million in risk adjustment for 2016 (but received $3 million in reinsurance). Notably, they owed far more in 2016 risk adjustment than any of the other remaining CO-OPs. They explained in June 2017, in conjunction with their announcement that they would no longer be a CO-OP after 2017 (at that point, they hoped to re-open as a for-profit insurer, but that plan was scrapped when they were unable to raise enough capital to secure a license for 2018), that the amount they had been forced to pay into the risk adjustment program amounted to about a third of the premiums they had collected.
2017 risk adjustment
On July 9, 2018, CMS published the risk adjustment report for 2017, showing which insurers owed money into the program, and which would receive money. Ironically, this came just three days after CMS had announced that they would freeze risk adjustment transfers as a result of the New Mexico court ruling regarding the risk adjustment methodology. But by the end of July, the risk adjustment program had been restarted (with additional justification for the methodology, the comply with the judge’s request), and payments to insurers were expected to be made on schedule, in the fall of 2018.
But once again, CHO was the only CO-OP that will receive funds under the risk adjustment program for 2017. The other three remaining CO-OPs all owed money:
Community Health Options received $10 million from the risk adjustment program.
Common Ground CO-OP had to pay $1.15 million into the risk adjustment program. This was due to their small group plans; they received a small amount of money under the risk adjustment program for their individual market plans, but it was more than offset by the amount they had to pay in the small group market.
New Mexico Health Connections had to pay $5.6 million into the risk adjustment program.
Mountain Health CO-OP/Montana Health CO-OP had to pay $36.6 million into the risk adjustment program.
2016: New HHS regulations to stabilize CO-OPs, but ultimately too little too late for most CO-OPs
In May 2016, after extensive input from stakeholders, HHS issued new regulations in an effort to help the remaining CO-OPs become financially viable. Due to the urgency of the situation, the regulations took effect almost immediately, on May 11. The new regulations made a variety of changes to make it easier for CO-OPs to seek outside investments and expand their coverage offerings beyond the individual and small group markets:
Prior to 2016, there were relatively strict rules governing the makeup of CO-OP boards. CO-OP board members could not be representatives or employees of any federal, state, or local government entity, and they could also not be representatives or employees of any health insurance carrier that was operational as of July 2009. These rules were established to prevent conflicts of interest among CO-OP board members (for example, an employee of a competing insurance company might have a conflict of interest and might not make decisions solely based on the best interests of the CO-OP). The new regulations relaxed these rules, as HHS had discovered that the rules were too strict, and were preventing well-qualified experts from joining CO-OP boards. The new regulations allow government employees and representatives to be on CO-OP boards as long as they’re not in senior or high-level positions in the government. And employees or representatives from already-established insurers can be on CO-OP boards as long as they’re affiliated with insurance carriers that don’t compete in the individual and small group markets where CO-OPs operate.
The old rules also required all of a CO-OP’s board of directors to be elected by CO-OP members, and required all members of the board of directors to also be members of the CO-OP. The new regulations allow for some leeway here too. Only a majority of the board members must be elected by CO-OP members, and board members are no longer required to be members of the CO-OP. This allows outside entities that are providing loans, investments, and services to the CO-OP to have representatives on the board of directors, and will — in theory — make it easier for CO-OPs to attract new investments. HHS noted that including investor representatives on boards of directors is a common practice in the private sector. The old rules made it difficult for CO-OPs to find willing and qualified individuals to serve on their boards of directors, and the new rules allow them to seek outside experts to provide assistance via being on the board of directors. The CO-OPs are member-driven though, as the majority of board members must still be elected by CO-OP members. New Mexico Health Connections announced in 2016 that they planned to work with Raymond James, a New York based investment firm, to raise “a substantial amount” of funding for New Mexico Health Connections. Maryland’s CO-OP, Evergreen Health, was working to raise $15 million by August 2016, and by July, the CO-OP had come to agreements with eight guarantors to front more than half of that $15 million. But Evergreen Health later opted for the ultimate private investor arrangement, with plans for private investors to acquire the CO-OP in 2017. If that had worked out, the insurer would still have been called Evergreen Health, but would have been a for-profit entity and no longer a CO-OP. Ultimately, the new arrangement didn’t receive federal approval in time to continue to offer coverage for 2017, and Maryland’s Insurance Commissioner announced on December 8 that Evergreen would not sell or renew any individual plans for 2017. They had planned to return to the individual market in 2018, but the private investors terminated the acquisition in July 2017, and Maryland regulators imposed an administrative order that ultimately resulted in the CO-OP entering receivership.
The ACA requires that at least two-thirds of a CO-OP’s policies must be issued in the individual and small group markets in the state where the CO-OP is licensed. Originally, the rule was that CO-OPs that ran afoul of that provision would have to repay their federal loans immediately. The new regulations allow for more leeway: CO-OPs that aren’t meeting the two-thirds rule don’t necessarily have to repay their loans immediately, but they do have to demonstrate a plan for getting into compliance with the two-thirds rule, and be acting in good faith to achieve that standard (most CO-OPs only operate in the individual and small group markets thus far, but HealthyCT in Connecticut was an exception – they offered large group plans in addition to individual and small group plans. New Mexico Health Connections also had large group enrollments until 2018, when they partnered with a for-profit entity that is now covering their employer groups; New Mexico Health Connections is continuing to provide CO-OP coverage for their individual market enrollees). The new flexibility allows CO-OPs to enter into other markets – including large group, Medicare, Medicaid, and ancillary products such as dental and vision, without having to be overly concerned with running afoul of the two-thirds rule and triggering an immediate payback requirement for federal loans.
Under prior rules, CO-OPs weren’t allowed to sell their policies to another insurer. So when 12 CO-OPs failed by the end of 2015, the only option was to send their members back to the general market – on or off-exchange – to seek new coverage. The new HHS regulations allow insolvent CO-OPs to sell their policies to another insurer, although the transaction would have to be approved by CMS. The idea here was to preserve coverage for existing members if additional CO-OPs fail. But of the ten CO-OPs that were still operational when the new rules were finalized, six have since folded, and all of their members have had to purchase new coverage, as none of the failed CO-OPs have been purchased by other insurers.
Membership surpassed a million enrollees by 2015, but has declined sharply with CO-OP closures
During the 2014 open enrollment period, just over 400,000 people enrolled in CO-OPs nationwide. That climbed to over a million by the end of the 2015 open enrollment period – despite the fact that CoOpportunity (Iowa and Nebraska) stopped selling policies in December 2014, and their once-robust enrollment (120,000 members) had dropped to about 2,000 people by mid-February 2015. While enrollment in private plans through the exchanges increased by 46 percent in 2015 (from 8 million people in the first open enrollment period, to 11.7 million in the second open enrollment period), enrollment in CO-OPs increased by 150 percent.
At the end of 2015, however, more than 500,000 of those enrollees had to switch to a different plan, as 11 of the 22 remaining CO-OPs closed at the end of 2015 (in large part due to the fact that insurers did not receive most of the risk corridor money they were owed for 2014). In May 2016, Ohio regulators announced that InHealth Mutual would be liquidated, leaving just ten remaining CO-OPs nationwide. And only three of them were not subject to enhanced federal oversight as of 2016: New Mexico Health Connections, Mountain Health Cooperative (Montana and Idaho), and Minuteman Health, Inc (Massachusetts and New Hampshire). The other eight CO-OPs still in operation at that point were all under “corrective action plans” from the federal government.
Seven of the eleven CO-OPs that were still operational at the end of 2015 had at least 25,000 enrollees as of mid-2015, which was the minimum number that CMS said was necessary for financial solvency. The other four had not yet achieved that benchmark by early 2016, and two of them—in Oregon and Ohio—were among the four CO-OPs that had failed by July 2016. Of the remaining six CO-OPs, five had membership in excess of 25,000 people as of mid-2015.
CMS recognized that, in a competitive marketplace, CO-OPs would face challenges. The agency acknowledged that more than one-third of the CO-OPs would likely fail in the first 15 years. CMS projected a 40 percent default rate for the planning loans and a 35 percent default rate for the solvency loans. But with only four of 23 CO-OPs still in business as of 2018, the failure rate is 83 percent, after four and a half years of operations.
The remaining CO-OPs had roughly the following enrollment totals as of 2019, including individual and group plans:
New Mexico Health Connections: About 19,000 members (this had dropped to about 14,000 by mid-2020)
Common Ground: About 52,000 members
How many CO-OPs have failed?
Since 2013, 20 of the original 23 CO-OPs have closed.
:
ARIZONA (Meritus Health Partners): In a deviation from the norm, Meritus offered year-round enrollment outside the exchange until late summer 2015; tax credits were only available inside the exchange, and regular open enrollment dates applied to plans purchased in the exchange. Meritus was among the worst-performing CO-OPs in terms of 2014 actual enrollment as a percentage of projected enrollment. HHS reported that just 869 people had enrolled through Meritus as of the end of 2014, out of a projected 24,000. By August 2015, enrollment in Meritus plans had skyrocketed to almost 56,000 people. But just two days prior to the start of the 2016 open enrollment period, the Arizona Department of Insurance announced that Meritus could no longer sell or renew policies, and that existing plans would terminate at the end of 2015.
COLORADO (Colorado HealthOP): The CO-OP got roughly 13 percent of the exchange market share in 2014 (the second-highest of any carrier in the exchange), but they lowered their prices considerably for 2015, and garnered nearly 40 percent of the exchange’s enrollees during the second open enrollment period. For 2015, they had the lowest prices in eight of Colorado’s nine rating areas. Colorado Health OP was also facing a shortfall from the risk corridors program, and immediately began working to overcome it. But their efforts were not sufficient, and the Colorado Division of Insurance decertified them from the exchange on October 16, 2015.
CONNECTICUT (HealthyCT): The CO-OP had 15.6 percent of the market share in 2015, but dropped to just under 12 percent for 2016. The CO-OP raised its premiums by an average of 7.2 percent for 2016. Unlike many other CO-OPs, HealthyCT wasn’t counting on the risk corridors payout that they were owed for 2014, so the shortfall wasn’t as significant for HealthyCT as it was for some of the other CO-OPs. Unlike most CO-OPs, HealthyCT also sold coverage in the large group market, so they had a stronger off-exchange presence than carriers that only offer individual and small group plans. HealthyCT also built its own provider network, instead of having to rent an already-established network from another carrier, as many CO-OPs did. But ultimately, the CO-OP succumbed to the $13.4 million bill that they received for the 2015 risk adjustment program. In July 2016, state regulators ordered HealthyCT to stop writing new policies or renewing existing policies. The CO-OP’s 13,000 individual market insureds (most of whom had coverage through the state’s exchange) were insured through December 31, 2016, but needed to pick a new plan during open enrollment. The CO-OP’s 27,000 employer-sponsored group enrollees continued to have coverage through the CO-OP until their renewal date in 2017 if their 2016 renewal date was July or earlier. Groups that renewed in August or later had to switch to a different carrier as of their 2016 renewal date.
ILLINOIS (Land of Lincoln Health): The CO-OP weathered the initial risk corridor storm, as they weren’t counting on full payment from CMS. But they limited small group enrollments for the last two months of 2015, and they also capping 2016 enrollment at about 65,000 to 70,000 people (roughly a 30 percent increase over their 2015 membership) in order to sustainably manage their growth. Enrollment for the year had ceased by early January, as the CO-OP had met their membership target. During the first quarter of 2016, Land of Lincoln lost $7.1 million, up from the $5.3 million they lost in the first quarter of 2015. An AP analysis of ten of the remaining 11 CO-OPs found that all of them lost money in 2015, but Land of Lincoln Health lost the most, at $90.8 million. Nevertheless, the CO-OP was on the hook for a $31.8 million payment for 2015 risk adjustment. In late June, state regulators ordered Land of Lincoln to withhold payment until if and when the CO-OP receives the $73 million they were supposed to get in 2015 for the 2014 risk corridors program. This move was made in an effort to keep the CO-OP solvent, but it was unsuccessful. On July 12, regulators in Illinois announced that they were beginning the process of shutting down Land of Lincoln Health; the CO-OP closed on September 30, 2016, and the 49,000 enrollees were granted a special enrollment period to select a new plan.
IOWA and NEBRASKA (CoOportunity Health): CoOportunity Health was taken over by Iowa state regulators in late December 2014. Once federal funding ran out, it became clear that the carrier didn’t have enough money to remain viable, as reserves had dropped to about $17 million by December. At the time, HHS said that the other 22 CO-OPs appeared to still be financially viable early in 2015. CoOportunity had raised their rates considerably for 2015, although they covered about 120,000 members in Iowa and Nebraska. Most existing policyholders transitioned to other carriers by mid-February 2015, but there were still about 2,000 members at that point. Early in 2015, there was some hope that regulators would be able to successfully rehabilitate the carrier. But by February 18, the Insurance Division announced that they would begin the process of liquidating the carrier before the end of the month, and the remaining insureds had to transition to other carriers by March 1.
KENTUCKY (Kentucky Health Care Cooperative): By the end of the first open enrollment period, Kentucky Health Cooperative had garnered 75 percent of the exchange enrollments in Kentucky. By the end of 2014, Kentucky Health Cooperative was covering nearly 56,000 people. The CO-OP had planned to expand into West Virginia for 2015, but backed out just a week before open enrollment over worries that their infrastructure wasn’t ready for the new influx of members. They had planned to move forward with their expansion to West Virginia in 2016, but the West Virginia Insurance Commissioner’s office confirmed in early September 2015 that the Kentucky CO-OP no longer had plans to expand into West Virginia. As of June 2015, Kentucky Health Cooperative still had more than 55,000 members, despite the fact that their premiums increased by an average of 15 percent in 2015. But Kentucky Health Cooperative also had the distinction of being the CO-OP with the most red ink in 2014, losing $50.4 million by the end of 2014 (although losses had diminished considerably in 2015; by the end of the first half of the year, losses totaled just $4 million). The losses from 2014 would have been offset by the risk corridors payment if it had been paid as owed ($77 million). Instead, the CO-OP was going to receive less than $10 million from the risk corridors program, and that simply wasn’t enough to sustain them. Kentucky Health CO-OP announced in early October that they would cease operations at the end of 2015.
LOUISIANA (Louisiana Health Cooperative Inc.): In July 2015, the Louisiana Department of Insurance announced that the CO-OP would be winding down its operations this year, and would not participate in the upcoming open enrollment for 2016. The existing 17,000 enrollees were able to remain with the carrier for the rest of 2015.
MASSACHUSETTS and NEW HAMPSHIRE (Minuteman Health Inc.) Enrollment exceeded 22,500 in the first quarter of 2016, and the CO-OP ceased its advertising campaign in an effort to avoid enrolling too many members. The CO-OP had a profitable first quarter of 2016, as opposed to the $3.8 million loss they suffered in the first quarter of 2015. By April 2016, Minuteman’s enrollment had reached about 26,000 people, which was an 85 percent increase over 2015 enrollment. More than 21,000 of Minuteman’s QHP enrollees were in New Hampshire, and the state also has more than 3,400 Premium Assistance Program (privatized Medicaid) members with Minuteman coverage. All Minuteman Health enrollees in New Hampshire and Massachusetts needed to secure new coverage for 2018, as the CO-OP closed at the end of 2017.
MARYLAND (Evergreen Health Cooperative Inc.): Enrollment was under 30,000 at the end of 2015, and had grown to 40,000 by March 2016. Evergreen had its first-ever profitable quarter at the beginning of 2016, with a net income of $547,000. That’s compared with a loss of $2.3 million in the first quarter of 2015. For 2015, Evergreen Health CO-OP lost money, as did all of the CO-OPs. But their loss was the smallest of the 11 remaining CO-OPs, at $10.8 million. In 2016, Evergreen would have been profitable for the full year, except for the $24 million they had to pay into the risk corridor program for 2015. For 2017, Evergreen had proposed an average rate increase of just 8 percent, but regulators ultimately approved an average rate increase of more than 20 percent. Evergreen owed CMS $24.2 million in risk adjustment funds for 2015, which was more than a quarter of the carrier’s total revenue. They had worked out an arrangement under which they would be acquired by private investors and converted to a for-profit (ie, not a CO-OP) insurance company, but the investors terminated the acquisition in July 2017, leading state regulators to determine that the CO-OP was no longer financially viable. The CO-OP was placed in receivership in 2017, and did not offer plans for 2018.
MICHIGAN (Consumers Mutual Insurance of Michigan): Nearly 80 percent of the CO-OP’s enrollees in 2015 were off-exchange. Michigan’s CO-OP was the last to announce failure in 2015, doing so on November 2, the day after open enrollment began for 2016 coverage.
NEVADA (Nevada Health Cooperative): In late August 2015, officials at Nevada Health CO-OP announced — amid mounting financial losses and “challenging market conditions” — that the carrier would be ceasing operations by the end of the year. The CO-OP had about a third of the individual enrollments in the Nevada exchange for 2015, but they had to switch to another carrier for 2016. One issue that created problems for Nevada Health CO-OP was their generous enrollment protocol. From 2014 – 2019, Nevada was the only state in the country that allowed off-exchange enrollment to run year-round. But carriers could implement a 90-day waiting period for benefits to begin, in order to discourage people from waiting until they needed care to sign up. But the CO-OP let people enroll with no waiting period initially, and later added a 30-day waiting period in late 2014 The result was a membership that skewed towards sicker enrollees with higher claims costs.
NEW JERSEY (Health Republic Insurance of New Jersey): The CO-OP ended 2014 with 4,254 members, according to HHS. By June 2015, the CO-OP’s enrollment had reached 60,000 people, thanks to new plan designs and lower premiums. Rate increases for 2016 ranged from 9 percent to 18 percent. For 2017, Health Republic of NJ proposed an average rate increase of just 8.5 percent, but ultimately the carrier was placed in rehabilitation in mid-September, and had to stop offering new plans at that point. State regulators initially said that it was possible the CO-OP could return to the market in 2018, but that ultimately was not the case, and an order of liquidation was filed in February 2017. All existing Health Republic plans in New Jersey terminated on December 31, 2016.
NEW MEXICO (New Mexico Health Connections): By the end of the 2016 open enrollment period, New Mexico Health Connections had more than 50,000 members, and the CO-OP had added several big-name employers, including Goodwill Industries of New Mexico, Youth Development Inc., and Heritage Hotels & Resorts. But in 2018, New Mexico Health Connections sold its employer-sponsored market segment to a for-profit entity that is now providing coverage to the employer groups that were previously covered by the CO-OP (that entity also entered the individual market in New Mexico in 2020, coming into direct competition with the CO-OP). New Mexico Health Connections only offered coverage in the individual market in 2019 and 2020, and closed its doors for good at the end of 2020. Enrollment in 2019 stood at 18,689, but had dropped to about 14,000 in 2020. The New Mexico Office of the Superintendent of Insurance has published a set of FAQ about the CO-OP closure.
NEW YORK (Health Republic Insurance of New York): The CO-OP enrolled 19 percent of the people who purchased plans through NY State of Health (the state-run exchange) during the first open enrollment period, for 2014 coverage. Their membership had grown to 112,000 by April 2014, and 155,000 by the end of 2014 — far surpassing their initial 2014 goal of 30,000 members. In 2015, they again garnered 19 percent of NY State of Health’s private plan enrollees, and had a total enrollment of about 200,000 people by the time regulators announced in September 2015 that the CO-OP would be closing. There were 16 carriers offering plans through NY State of Health, and only one had a slightly higher market share than the CO-OP. But Health Republic of NY lost $35 million in 2014, and $52.7 million in the first half of 2015; their high enrollment was not a financial panacea — they enrolled far more people than expected, but that ultimately translated into losses that far exceeded projections. On September 25, state and federal regulators, along with NY’s state-run exchange, announced that they had ordered Health Republic to stop issuing new policies and prepare to terminate existing individual plans at the end of 2015. It was subsequently determined that the CO-OP was simply losing too much money to continue as a viable insurer, and coverage was terminated on November 30.
OHIO (InHealth Mutual): InHealth Mutual enrolled just 11 percent of its target membership for 2014. But that was partly because the carrier got licensed too late in 2013 to be sold on Healthcare.gov. So instead, InHealth Mutual mainly sold off-exchange small group plans in 2014. But for the 2015 open enrollment period, InHealth Mutual was available through the exchange, and enrollment had more than doubled to 16,000 by mid-January. However, during the first six months of 2015, InHealth reported $9.1 million in net losses. Ultimately, state regulators announced in late May 2016 that the CO-OP would be liquidated, and that its 21,800 enrollees would have a 60 day special enrollment period during which they would be able to switch to a different carrier. Enrollees who remained with InHealth Mutual had coverage through the end of 2016, but it was through the state guaranty fund, which means it had a cap of $500,000 and would subject the enrollees to the ACA’s penalty for not having minimum essential coverage.
OREGON (Health Republic Insurance of Oregon): Health Republic’s failure was blamed in large part on the risk corridor shortfall, as was the case with many of the CO-OPs that failed in late 2015. In February 2016, Health Republic of Oregon announced that they were suing the federal government over the risk corridor shortfall.
OREGON (Oregon’s Health CO-OP): Oregon had two CO-OPs. Oregon Health CO-OP was officially called “Community Care of Oregon.” It had fewer than 1,600 members at the end of 2014. By January 2015, their membership had grown to 10,000 people, and by April 2015, they said they were on track to hit 20,000 by the end of the year, and had “healthy financial reserves.” But they were expecting to receive $5 million via the 2015 risk adjustment program, and ended up owing $900,000 instead. That pushed the CO-OP into insolvent territory, and the state announced in July 2016 that they were placing the CO-OP in receivership. All Oregon Health CO-OP plans terminated on July 31, 2016. The CO-OP had 20,600 members—11,800 in the individual market, and 8,800 in the small group market. Individuals had a special enrollment period beginning July 11 to enroll in a new plan, with coverage effective August 1. The state also worked out an arrangement to ensure that CO-OP members get credit for their out-of-pocket spending during the first seven months of 2016, even after transferring to a new carrier starting in August.
SOUTH CAROLINA (Consumer’s Choice Health Insurance Company): Consumers Choice had the same CEO as neighboring Tennessee’s Community Health Alliance Mutual Insurance Company, which also closed at the end of 2015. Consumer’s Choice had 67,000 members in 2015.
TENNESSEE (Community Health Alliance Mutual Insurance Company): The CO-OP had fewer than 2,300 members at the end of 2014 — out of a projected 25,000 — and had a loss of $22 million in 2014. But they lowered their premiums for 2015 and experienced a surge in enrollment signing up more than 35,000 members as of May 2015. Enrollment grew so quickly during the 2015 open enrollment period that Community Health Alliance suspended enrollment in their plans as of January 15, noting that they had already met their enrollment goal for the year. They proposed a 32.6 percent rate increase for 2016, although regulators ultimately increased it to 44.7 percent in order to preserve the CO-OP’s viability. The CO-OP had planned to resume selling coverage during the 2016 open enrollment period, but regulators announced in mid-October 2015 that the carrier would instead be closing at the end of the year, and all members would need to transition to another carrier for 2016.
UTAH (Arches Mutual Insurance Company): Arches insured roughly a quarter of Utah’s exchange enrollees in 2015. The CO-OP’s on-exchange enrollment was about 32,000 people, all of whom had to find alternate plans for 2016.
In July 2015, Louisiana Health Cooperative announced that it would cease operations as of the end of 2015. LHC was the second CO-OP to fail; CoOpportunity, which served Nebraska and Iowa, received liquidation orders from state regulators in February 2015.
At the end of August, the Nevada Health CO-OP announced they would also close at the end of 2015. And in September, New York officials announced that Health Republic of New York, the nation’s largest CO-OP, would begin winding down operations immediately, and that individual Health Republic of NY policies would terminate at the end of 2015.
On October 1, 2015 the federal government notified health insurance carriers across the country that risk corridors payments from 2014 would only amount to 12.6 percent of the total owed to the carriers. The program is budget neutral as a result of the 2015 benefit and payment parameters released by HHS in March 2014. And the “Cromnibus bill” that was passed at the end of 2014 eliminated the possibility of the risk corridors program being anything but budget neutral, despite the fact that HHS had said they would adjust the program as necessary going forward.
But very few carriers had lower-than-expected claims in 2014. So the payments into the risk corridors program were far less than the amount owed to carriers – and the result is that the carriers essentially get an IOU for a total of $2.5 billion that may or may not be recouped with 2015 and 2016 risk corridors funding (risk corridors still have to be budget neutral in 2015 and 2016, so if there’s a shortfall again, carriers would fall even further into the red).
Many health insurance carriers – particularly smaller, newer companies – faced financial difficulties as a result of the risk corridors shortfall. CO-OPs were particularly vulnerable because they were all start-ups and tended to be relatively small. All of the CO-OPs that announced closures in the last quarter of 2015 attributed their failure to the risk corridor payment shortfall.
On October 9, Kentucky Health CO-OP announced that their risk corridors shortfall was simply too significant to overcome. (The CO-OP was supposed to receive $77 million, but was only going to get $9.7 million as a result of the shortfall.) The CO-OP did not offer plans for 2016, and their 2015 policies terminated at the end of the year. About 51,000 CO-OP members in Kentucky had to shop for new coverage for 2016.
And then on October 14, Tennessee regulators announced that Community Health Alliance would also close at the end of the year. CHA stopped enrolling new members in January 2015, but it had planned to sell policies during the 2016 open enrollment period, albeit with a 44.7 percent rate increase. Ultimately, the risk of the CO-OP’s failure in 2016 was too great, and it wound down operations by the end of the year instead.
Almost immediately after that, Oregon’s Health Republic Insurance, also a CO-OP, announced that it would not offer 2016 plans, and would wind down its operations by the end of 2015. Health Republic had 15,000 members.
On October 22, The South Carolina Department of Insurance announced that Consumers Choice would voluntarily wind down its operations by year-end, and would not sell plans for 2016. Consumers Choice was run by the same CEO – Jerry Burgess – as Community Health Alliance in Tennessee. 67,000 Consumers Choice members had to switch to a new carrier for 2016. The South Carolina Department of Insurance put together a series of FAQs for impacted plan members.
On October 27, the Utah Insurance Department announced that they were placing Arches Health Plan in receivership, and the carrier would wind down operations by the end of the year. Arches Health Plan garnered roughly a quarter of Utah’s exchange market share in 2015, but those enrollees had to switch to a new carrier for 2016.
On October 30, just two days before the start of the 2016 open enrollment period, the Arizona Department of Insurance announced that Meritus would cease selling and renewing coverage, and existing plans would terminate at the end of 2015. Healthcare.gov removed Meritus plans from the exchange website, and current enrollees — who comprised roughly a third of the private plan enrollees in the Arizona exchange at that point — had to obtain new coverage for 2016. Meritus was unique in that they allowed people to enroll off-exchange year-round up until late-summer 2015. They were also among very few CO-OPs that had requested a rate increase of less than ten percent for 2016.
Open enrollment for 2016 coverage began on November 1, 2015, and coverage was still available at that point from the remaining 12 CO-OPs. But on November 2, it became clear that Consumers Mutual of Michigan was in financial trouble. The carrier announced that they would not offer plans in the exchange in 2016, although at that point, there was still a possibility that they would continue to offer plans outside the exchange. But on November 4, they announced that they would wind down their operations by the end of the year, and all 28,000 members would need to find new coverage for 2016.
In May 2016, state regulators in Ohio announced that InHealth Mutual would shut down and that members would have a 60 day special enrollment period to select a new plan.
In July 2016, state regulators in Connecticut announced that HealthyCT would shut down at the end of 2016 (employer groups were able to keep their coverage through the renewal date in 2017, as long as the plan’s renewal date in 2016 was July or earlier).
In July 2016, state regulators in Oregon announced that Oregon Health CO-OP would shut down at the end of July 2016.
In July 2016, state regulators in Illinois announced that they were beginning the process of taking over Land of Lincoln Health and winding down the CO-OP’s operations. A special enrollment period was created for the CO-OP’s 49,000 enrollees.
In September 2016, state regulators in New Jersey placed Health Republic Insurance of New Jersey into rehabilitation, and the CO-OP ceased selling new plans. Health Republic’s existing plans terminated at the end of 2016.
In June 2017, Minuteman Health announced that they would no longer offer coverage as a CO-OP after the end of 2017. At that point, they intended to transition to a for-profit insurance company (Minuteman Insurance Company). However, they were unable to raise enough capital by the August 2017 deadline for securing a license for 2018, and thus did not re-open as a for-profit insurer. Minuteman Health is in receivership, and enrollees needed to obtain new coverage for 2018.
In July 2017, Maryland regulators issued an administrative order blocking Evergreen Health from selling or renewing any plans (they only had group plans in force at that point, having terminated individual market plans at the end of 2016). The order noted that it was expected that the process would culminate in receivership, and the receivership announcement came by the end of July.
The four CO-OPs that were still operational as of 2018 were all still operational in 2020. But New Mexico Health Connections closed at the end of 2020, leaving just three CO-OPs still operational in five states as of 2021.
CO-OPs’ unique challenges
In July 2015, HHS released financial and enrollment data for the 23 CO-OPs, as of December 2014. The outlook based on the report was not particularly great: all but one of the CO-OPs operated at a loss in 2014, and 13 of the CO-OPs fell far short of their enrollment goals for 2014. The audit called into question the CO-OPs’ ability to repay the loans that they received from the federal government under Obamacare.
The risk corridor shortfall was directly implicated in the failure of CO-OPs in Kentucky, Tennessee, Colorado, Oregon, South Carolina, Utah, Arizona, and Michigan. There is no way around the fact that such a significant financial blow is hard to overcome, particularly for carriers that were new to the market in 2014. Eight CO-OPs failed in the weeks following the risk corridor shortfall announcement.
Those eight CO-OPs were in serious financial jeopardy as a result of the risk corridor shortfall and other factors, and state Insurance Commissioners made the difficult decision to shut them down prior to the start of open enrollment, or shortly thereafter. It’s much less complicated to wind down operations in an orderly fashion in the last couple months of a year than it is to have a carrier become financially insolvent mid-year.
That, coupled with the late announcement regarding the risk corridors shortfall, explains the rash of CO-OP failures announced in late 2015. It should be noted that it was not just CO-OPs feeling the pain from the risk corridor shortfall; in Wisconsin, Anthem exited the exchange market in three counties and scaled back operations in 34 other counties for 2016, partially as a result of the risk corridor shortfall. And in Wyoming, WINhealth exited the individual market because of the risk corridor shortfall; in Alaska and Oregon, Moda nearly exited the market for 2016, due in large part to the risk corridor shortfall (Moda ultimately left Alaska’s market at the end of 2016, in order to focus fully on the Oregon market).
But with 12 out of 23 CO-OPs going under in 2015, it wasn’t surprising that the mood in late 2015 was relatively pessimistic regarding the CO-OP model. In his press release about the demise of Arches Health Plan, Utah Insurance Commissioner Todd E. Kiser noted that “It is regrettable that the co-op model has not worked across the country.” That didn’t bode well for the remaining 11 CO-OPs, and ultimately only four of them are still operational in 2018.
All 11 of the remaining CO-OPs suffered losses in 2015, amounting to a total of about $400 million (Evergreen lost the least, at $10.8 million; Land of Lincoln lost the most, at $90.8 million). The bulk of the losses were in the fourth quarter, indicating that consumers try to get as much value as possible from their coverage before the end of the plan year.
The fact that lawmakers decided at the end of 2014 to retroactively require the risk corridors program to be budget-neutral was a significant blow to the CO-OPs. The CO-OPs – along with the rest of the carriers – had set their premiums for 2014 (and by that time, for 2015 as well) with the expectation that risk corridors payments would mitigate losses if they experienced higher-than-expected claims.
Clearly, that did not pan out, and it certainly put the CO-OPs in a tough spot. To clarify, HHS said in 2013 that the risk corridor program would NOT be budget-neutral, and that federal funds would be used to make up any shortfalls; carriers set their rates for 2014 based on that.
But then in 2014, HHS announced in 2014 that they had made several adjustments to the risk corridor program, and that they projected “that these changes, in combination with the changes to the reinsurance program finalized in this rule, will result in net payments that are budget neutral in 2014. We intend to implement this program in a budget neutral manner, and may make future adjustments, either upward or downward to this program (for example, as discussed below, we may modify the ceiling on allowable administrative costs) to the extent necessary to achieve this goal.” But this was after rates for 2014 were long-since locked in, and enrollment nearly complete. At the end of 2014, congress passed the Cromnibus Bill, requiring risk corridors to be budget neutral, with no wiggle room for HHS.
We do have to keep in mind, however, that CMS knew from the get-go that some CO-OPs would fail. They expected at least a third of them to fail in the first 15 years, and that was long before the risk corridors program was retroactively changed to be budget neutral.
Will the few remaining CO-OPs survive?
It’s too soon to tell. In many states, the CO-OPs started out in a David and Goliath situation, competing with carriers that had dominated the health insurance landscape for years. Premiums that carriers — including CO-OPs — set for 2014 and 2015 were little more than educated guesses from actuaries, since there was very little in the way of actual claims data on which to rely (there was no data at all when the 2014 rates were being set, and only a couple months of early data available when 2015 rates were being set). Once the CO-OPs had more than a year of claims history in the books, they were able to be more accurate in pricing their policies.
But the uncertainty that the Trump administration and GOP lawmakers created for the insurance markets resulted in spiking premiums for 2017 and 2018 (not just for CO-OPs, but for the majority of insurers in most states). That uncertainty continued in 2019, with the Trump administration finalizing rules to expand access to short-term plans and association health plans, and GOP lawmakers’ tax bill that repealed the individual mandate penalty after the end of 2018. But despite all of that, the remaining CO-OPs have had fairly stable pricing in recent years, with several rate decreases in 2019 and 2020, and some modest increases.
CO-OP supporters had hoped that the new carriers would disrupt existing markets, driving down premiums and shaking up the market share among commercial insurers. Although most of the CO-OPs struggled financially, average premiums market-wide were lower in both 2014 and 2015 in states that had CO-OPs than in states without CO-OPs. A GAO report found that average CO-OP premiums in 2014 and 2015 in most states tended to be lower than the average premiums across all carriers in those states. And enrollment in CO-OPs increased at a much faster pace than overall enrollment growth (across all carriers) from 2014 to 2015.
CMS acknowledged from the start that not all of the CO-OPs would be likely to succeed — just as a crop of new for-profit health insurance carriers wouldn’t all be expected to succeed. The three remaining CO-OPs are all in their eighth year of providing coverage as of 2021, demonstrating their staying power. And one of those three expanded into a new state for 2021, which is certainly a sign of insurer stability. And the other two decreased their premiums for 2021, which is generally another sign of stability.
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance.png512512wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2021-01-04 09:49:112021-01-06 18:22:31CO-OP health plans: patients’ interests first
Millions of Americans purchased ACA-compliant plans through the exchanges — and outside the exchanges — during open enrollment. But there are still millions of Americans who don’t have coverage as of early 2021 (the uninsured rate has been increasing since 2017, due to the Trump administration’s approach to health care reform).
If you didn’t sign up for health insurance during open enrollment, you may have to wait until November 2021 to sign up for a plan that will take effect in 2022. But you may find that you can still get coverage for 2021, even if open enrollment has ended in your state. Let’s take a look.
Native Americans, those eligible for Medicaid/CHIP can enroll year-round
And people who qualify for Medicaid or CHIP can also enroll at any time. Income limits are fairly high for CHIP eligibility, so be sure you check your state’s eligibility limits before assuming that your kids wouldn’t be eligible – benefits very much extend to middle-class households.
And in states where Medicaid has been expanded, a single individual earning up to $17,608 can enroll in Medicaid. (This amount will be higher after the FPL numbers for 2021 become available). Most states have expanded Medicaid, and Oklahoma and Missouri will join them in mid-2021. But there are still 14 states (dropping to 12 once Medicaid expansion takes effect in Oklahoma and Missouri) where there is a Medicaid coverage gap and assistance is not available for most adults with income below the poverty level.
Similarly, if you’re on Medicaid and your income increases to a level that makes you ineligible for Medicaid, you’ll have an opportunity to switch to a private plan at that point, with the loss of your Medicaid plan serving as the qualifying event that triggers a special enrollment period.
A qualifying event at any time of the year will likely to allow you to enroll
Applicants who experience a qualifying event gain access to a special enrollment period (SEP) to shop for plans in the exchange (or off-exchange, in most cases) with premium subsidies available in the exchange for eligible enrollees.
HHS stepped up enforcement of special enrollment period eligibility verification in 2016, and further increased the eligibility verification process in 2017. So if you experience a qualifying event, be prepared to provide proof of it when you enroll.
And in most cases, the current rules limit SEP plan changes to plans at the same metal level the person already has. The state-run exchanges (ie, the ones that don’t use HealthCare.gov) can use their own discretion on this, but in general, if you’re enrolling mid-year, be prepared to provide proof of the qualifying event that triggered your special enrollment period, and know that you might not be able to switch to a more robust or less robust plan (eg, from bronze to gold or vice versa) during your SEP. And understand that in most — but not all — cases, the current SEP rules allow you to change your coverage but not necessarily go from being uninsured to insured. So you may be asked to provide proof of your prior coverage in addition to proof of the qualifying event.
And without a qualifying event, major medical health insurance is not available outside of general open enrollment, on or off-exchange. This is very different from the pre-2014 individual health insurance market, where people could apply for coverage at any time. But of course, approval used to be contingent on health status, which is no longer the case.
If you’re curious about your eligibility for a special enrollment period, call (800) 436-1566 to discuss your situation with a licensed insurance professional.
The closest thing to ‘real’ insurance if you missed open enrollment
For people who didn’t enroll in coverage during open enrollment, aren’t eligible for employer-sponsored coverage or Medicaid/CHIP, and aren’t expecting a qualifying event later in the year, the options for 2021 coverage are limited to policies that are not regulated by the ACA and are thus not considered minimum essential coverage.
And most of these plans are designed to be supplemental coverage, rather than a person’s only health coverage. This includes things like limited-benefit plans, accident supplements, critical/specific-illness policies, dental/vision plans, and medical discount plans.
But there are a few types of coverage that are available year-round (generally only to fairly healthy individuals), and that can serve as stand-alone coverage in a pinch:
Farm Bureau plans in a few states
In Kansas, Tennessee, Indiana, and Iowa, members of Farm Bureau who are healthy enough to get through medical underwriting can enroll in Farm Bureau plans that are technically not considered insurance — and thus don’t have to comply with insurance regulations — but that are available for purchase year-round.
Farm Bureau plans are also available in Nebraska, without medical underwriting, for people who are actively engaged in agriculture, but these plans use the same November 1 – December 15 open enrollment period that applies to ACA-compliant plans in Nebraska.
Health care sharing ministry plans
There are also health care sharing ministry plans available nearly everywhere, and although they are not compliant with insurance laws, they are better than nothing and are available year-round to people who meet their eligibility criteria.
Short-term health plans
Short-term health insurance is available in all but eleven states, and can serve as decent coverage if your other alternative is to remain uninsured. In most states, it’s the closest thing you can get to “real” health insurance if you find yourself needing to purchase a policy outside of open enrollment without a qualifying event.
For most of 2017 and 2018, short-term plans were capped at three months in duration, due to an Obama administration regulation. But HHS finalized new rules that drastically expanded the allowable duration of short-term plans as of October 2018.
The Obama-Administration HHS implemented the regulation to cap short-term plans at three months in an effort aimed at “curbing abuse” of short-term plans. At that point, under HHS Secretary Sylvia Matthews-Burwell, HHS noted that short-term plans are exempt from having to comply with ACA regulations specifically because they’re supposed to only be used to fill gaps in coverage — but instead, people had been using them for up to a year at a time, effectively removing healthy people from the ACA-compliant risk pool and destabilizing it over the long-run.
In 2017, several GOP Senators asked HHS to reverse this regulation and go back to allowing short-term plans to be issued for durations up to 364 days. And the Trump administration confirmed their commitment to rolling back the limitations on short-term plans in an October 2017 executive order. The new rules took effect in October 2018, implementing the following provisions:
Short-term plans can now have initial terms of up to 364 days.
Renewal of a short-term plan is allowed as long as the total duration of a single plan doesn’t exceed 36 months (people can string together multiple plans, from the same insurer or different insurers, and thus have short-term coverage for longer than 36 months, as long as they’re in a state that permits this).
Short-term plan information must include a disclosure to help consumers understand the potential pitfalls of short-term plans and how they differ from individual health insurance.
But states can still impose stricter rules, and over half the states do so. Some are long-standing rules, while others are newly-adopted rules that states have implemented in an effort to prevent the Trump administration rules from destabilizing their individual insurance markets and pushing healthy people into less comprehensive coverage.
Although premium subsidies (a type of tax credit) are not available for short-term plans, the retail prices on these policies are more affordable than the retail price (ie, unsubsidized) on ACA-compliant plans, and they do still serve as a good stop-gap if you just need the policy to cover you for a few months when you’re in between other policies. However, if your income makes you eligible for the Obamacare premium subsidies, it’s essential that you enroll through your state’s exchange during open enrollment (or a special enrollment period triggered by a qualifying event like losing access to your employer-sponsored health insurance); otherwise, you’re missing out on comprehensive health insurance and a tax credit.
Some short-term plans have provider networks, but others allow you to use any provider you choose (keep in mind, however, that you’ll likely be subject to balance billing if your plan doesn’t have a provider network, since the providers will not be bound by any contract with your insurer regarding the pricing for their services).
And short-term policies are not required to be renewable; the new federal rule allows insurers to offer renewable short-term plans, but does not require them to do so. Depending on your state’s regulations and your insurer’s business plan, you may be able to renew your short-term plans, or you may be able to purchase a new short-term policy when your existing one expires. But if you’re buying a new policy, the purchase will require new underwriting, and in most cases, the new policy will not cover pre-existing conditions, including any that began while you were covered under the first short-term policy.
Unlike ACA-compliant plans, short-term policies have benefit maximums. But the limits on some short-term plans tend to be more reasonable than the infamous pre-ACA “mini-med” plans that barely covered a few nights in the hospital. Lifetime maximums of $750,000 to $2 million are common on short-term plans. While this is not as good as regular individual insurance plans that no longer have annual or lifetime benefit caps, it’s roughly similar to a lot of the plans that were available several years ago in the individual market. And the concept of a “lifetime” limit doesn’t really matter when you’re talking about a plan that lasts for at most 36 months (the maximum amount of time a single plan can remain in effect under the new federal rules), since you won’t be able to purchase another short-term plan if you develop a serious health condition.
But you’ll see plenty of short-term policies with much lower benefit limits. As a general rule, you’ll want to focus on plans that offer at least $1 million in benefits — health care is shockingly expensive.
Short-term insurance applications
The application process is very simple for short-term policies. Once you select a plan, the online application is much shorter than it is for standard individual health insurance, and coverage can be effective as early as the next day.
There are no income-related questions (since short-term policies are not eligible for any of the ACA’s premium subsidies), and the medical history section is generally quite short – nowhere near as onerous as the pre-2014 individual health insurance applications were.
Keep in mind that although the medical history section generally only addresses the most serious conditions in order to determine whether or not the applicant is eligible for coverage, short-term plans generally have blanket disclaimers stating that no pre-existing conditions are covered.
And post-claims underwriting is common on short-term plans. So although the insurer may accept your application based simply on what you disclose when you apply, they can — and likely will — go back through your medical history with a fine-toothed comb if and when you have a significant claim. If they find anything indicating that the current claim might be related to a pre-existing condition, they can rescind your coverage or deny the claim. So although a short-term plan might work well to cover a broken leg, it’s going to be less useful if you end up with a health condition that tends to take a while to develop, as the insurer may determine that the condition, or something related to it, began before your coverage was in force. This story is a good example of how this works.
Clearly, short-term plans are not as good as the ACA-regulated policies that you can purchase during open enrollment or during a special enrollment period. Short-term insurance is not regulated by the ACA, so it doesn’t have to follow the ACA’s rules: The plans still have benefit maximums, and they are not required to cover the ten essential benefits. (Most often, short-term plans don’t cover maternity, prescription drugs, preventive care, or mental health/addiction treatment), they do not have to limit out-of-pocket maximums, and they do not cover pre-existing conditions. They also still use medical underwriting, so coverage is not guaranteed issue.
Not a qualifying event: losing short-term coverage
Although loss of existing minimum essential coverage is a qualifying event that triggers a special open enrollment period for ACA-compliant individual market plans, short-term policies are not considered minimum essential coverage, so the loss of short-term coverage is not a qualifying event (loss of a short-term plan is a qualifying event for employer-sponsored coverage, however, so you’d be able to enroll in your employer’s plan when you short-term plan ends).
Let’s say you lose your job and your employer-sponsored health plan. You then have a 60-day window during which you can enroll in an ACA-compliant plan.
You also have the option to buy a short-term plan at that point, and it may be available with a term of up to a year, depending on where you live. But when the short-term plan ends, you would no longer have access to an ACA-compliant plan (you’d have to wait until the next open enrollment, and a plan selected during open enrollment would become effective on January 1) and although you could purchase another short-term plan, your eligibility would depend on your current medical history. [Some short-term plan insurers offer guaranteed renewability under the new federal rules, meaning that people can renew the plan, without going through medical underwriting, and keep it for up to 36 months. But not all insurers offer this option.]
Although short-term plans do not provide the level of coverage or consumer protections that the new ACA-compliant plans offer, obtaining a short-term policy is better than remaining uninsured. But your best bet is to maintain coverage under an ACA-compliant policy; if you’re not enrolled, you’ll want to do so if you experience a qualifying event (most people don’t take advantage of their qualifying events, perhaps unaware that their opportunity to enroll is limited).
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
Q. What is the deadline to enroll in health insurance coverage in the individual market?
Our 2021 Open Enrollment Guide: Everything you need to know to enroll in an affordable individual-market health plan.
A. In most states, open enrollment for 2021 health plans ended on December 15, 2020. HealthCare.gov, which is the exchange platform that’s used by the majority of the states, tends to follow this schedule fairly closely, while the states that run their own exchange platforms generally offer slightly longer enrollment windows.
HealthCare.gov is being used in 36 states for enrollment in 2021 health plans (it was 38 states as of 2020, but Pennsylvania and New Jersey have both transitioned to their own enrollment platforms as of the fall of 2020; both have also opted to extend their open enrollment windows).
As described below, California, Colorado, and DC have opted to permanently extend their open enrollment periods. And most of the other fully state-run exchanges have opted to extend the open enrollment period for 2021 coverage, meaning it will continue past December 15.
Outside of open enrollment, plan changes and new enrollments are only possible for people who experience a qualifying event.
Native Americans and Alaska Natives can enroll year-round in plans offered in the exchange. Applicants who are eligible for Medicaid or CHIP can also enroll year-round.
States where open enrollment ended on December 15, 2020
In the following states, open enrollment ended on December 15 (although due to high call volume on December 15, HealthCare.gov had some callers leave their contact information; the exchange will call these people back over the next few days to complete their enrollment in 2021 coverage):
California, Colorado, and DC: Open enrollment has been permanently extended
California: November 1 – January 31. California enacted legislation in 2017 and again in 2019 that permanently establishes different enrollment dates within the state, both on and off-exchange. Open enrollment for 2021 health plans began November 1, 2020 and will continue through January 31, 2020. California’s enrollment schedule has varied in previous years, but this three-month window, from the beginning of November through the end of January, will be the permanent enrollment window going forward.
Colorado: November 1 – January 15. Colorado’s Division of Insurance has also permanently extended open enrollment. The state finalized regulations in late 2018 that call for an annual special enrollment period, running from December 16 to January 15, that is added to the end of open enrollment each year. So open enrollment in Colorado will effectively last 2.5 months for all future enrollment periods (November 1 to January 15). Plans selected between December 16 and January 15 must take effect no later than February 1 (for 2021 coverage, the exchange is giving people until December 18 to enroll, although they have to call the customer service center to request a January 1 effective date if they’re enrolling between December 16 and 18).
DC: November 1 – January 31. DC’s exchange board voted unanimously to permanently implement an open enrollment window that runs from November 1 to January 31.
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Enrollment for 2021 health plans still open in ten states and DC
In addition to the three permanent extensions described above, open enrollment for 2021 health plans has also been extended in ten of the other 12 fully state-run exchanges. The extended deadline has already passed in Minnesota and Idaho, but open enrollment is still ongoing as of early January in ten states and DC, with the following enrollment deadlines:
The deadline for a January 1 effective date has passed in all of those states, so enrollments are currently (as of early January) being processed for a February 1 effective date.
Although open enrollment ended on December 15 in Maryland, the state announced in early January that it was opening a new COVID-related special enrollment period that will continue through March 15, 2021. Uninsured Maryland residents can use this window as an opportunity to enroll in coverage through Maryland’s exchange, but people who already have coverage cannot make plan changes during this window.
Minnesota‘s exchange and Idaho‘s exchange also extended open enrollment, but they ended December 22 and December 31, respectively. Idaho announced its extension on December 18 (three days after the original deadline had passed; this is the first time Idaho’s exchange has ever added a significant extension to open enrollment). Connecticut stuck with a December 15 deadline right up until the end of open enrollment, and then announced an additional month starting on December 16.
The only other fully state-run exchanges are in Vermont and Maryland, so they’re the only other states that had the option to extend open enrollment beyond the deadline that HealthCare.gov imposes. But both of them opted to end open enrollment on December 15. As noted above, however, Maryland is allowing uninsured residents a COVID-related special enrollment period that continues through March 15, 2021.
State-run exchanges have some flexibility on open enrollment schedule
The 2017 market stabilization rule noted that the November 1-December 15 open enrollment period would apply in every state in the fall of 2017. However, they also noted that some state-based exchanges — there are 13 of them as of 2020, and potentially 16 as of 2021 — might experience logistical difficulties in getting their systems ready for the new schedule on a fairly tight timeframe.
As such, the market stabilization rule clarified that state-based exchanges could use their own flexibility to “supplement the open enrollment period with a special enrollment period, as a transitional measure, to account for those operational difficulties.” Since then, the majority of the state-based exchanges have opted to extend open enrollment for most years.
For 2020 enrollments, Maryland, Vermont, and Nevada opted to keep the December 15 end date (and Idaho came very close to it; their reason for a one-day extension was that their call center isn’t open on Sundays, and the 15th fell on a Sunday. In general, Idaho residents should expect that the enrollment window will not be extended in the future, given how well they’ve adhered to that deadline for the last few years).
As we can see from the decisions in DC, California, and Colorado (to permanently extend open enrollment), and in Pennsylvania and Nevada (to extend open enrollment for 2021 coverage), states with their own enrollment platforms still have flexibility going forward. HHS has defined open enrollment as the window from November 1 to December 15, and that applies in every state. But state-run exchanges have the option to offer special enrollment periods before or after that window, in order to effectively extend open enrollment.
In addition to Pennsylvania, New Jersey is expected to also have state-run exchange platform by the fall of 2020; New Mexico plans to join them in the fall of 2021, and Maine might do so as well by the fall of 2021. Oregon may join them in the future as well. Fully state-run exchanges are the only ones with the ability to extend open enrollment on their own (in the other states, the decision has to come from CMS, since the extension has to be issued via HealthCare.gov), and most of them have been choosing to do so each year.
Outside of the open enrollment window, enrollment is only available with a qualifying event
After open enrollment ends, people can only purchase coverage if they have a special enrollment period triggered by a qualifying event such as:
Marriage (since 2017, this generally only applies if at least one spouse already had coverage before the wedding, although there are some exceptions),
Becoming a U.S. citizen,
Birth or adoption,
Involuntary loss of other health coverage.
A permanent move to an area where new health plans are available (since July 2016, this only applies in most cases if you already had coverage prior to your move).
Regardless of whether you purchase insurance through the exchange or off-exchange, the annual open enrollment window applies, and special enrollment periods are necessary in order to enroll at any other time of the year.
In 2016, HHS tightened up the rules regarding eligibility for special enrollment periods, and they further tightened the rules in 2017, as part of the market stabilization rule. As a result, the rules are being followed much more closely than they were in previous years, and in most states, anyone enrolling during a special enrollment period is required to provide proof of the qualifying event that they experienced.
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/open-enrollment-2021-400x203-1.jpg203400wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2021-01-04 01:01:312021-01-06 19:56:26What are the deadlines for Obamacare’s open enrollment period?
Open enrollment continues in 11 states and DC, ends Thursday in Idaho
Although open enrollment for 2021 health plans ended in mid-December in most states, it’s still ongoing in Washington, DC, and 11 states. Idaho’s open enrollment period is the next to end, on December 31; the others will continue to allow people to enroll until mid or late January.
In Idaho, Nevada, Rhode Island, California, New Jersey, and New York, you can still enroll now for coverage that takes effect on Friday, January 1. (The deadline for this is today in California, and tomorrow in the rest of those states.)
In Colorado, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Washington, Massachusetts, and Washington, DC, new enrollments are currently being processed for a February 1 effective date.
Federal protections against surprise balance billing will take effect in 2022
President Trump signed the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021, into law on Sunday, following a brief delay during which it was uncertain whether the bill would survive. The wide-ranging legislation includes fairly strong federal protections against surprise balance billing, which will take effect in January 2022.
Some states have tackled this issue on their own. Most recently, Ohio state lawmakers passed HB388 last week, though the bill has not yet been signed into law. But state laws don’t apply to self-insured plans (which account for the majority of employer-sponsored coverage) and many states have not yet enacted consumer protections against surprise balance billing.
There has long been a need for federal action on this issue, and broad bipartisan consensus that consumers should not be stuck in the middle of surprise balance billing situations. But ironing out the details between medical providers and insurers has taken years of debate. The new law will mostly ensure that consumers are not responsible for additional charges when they see out-of-network providers at an in-network facility or during an emergency situation. But notably, the law will still allow for surprise balance billing from ground ambulance services.
Today is final day to submit a comment on proposed health insurance rule changes for 2022
CMS is accepting public comments on the proposed rules, but only through midnight tonight. If you want to comment, you can do so by going to the proposed rule and clicking on the “submit a formal comment” tab on the right side of the page. You can see the comments that other people have submitted – including this detailed and thoughtful comment from Charles Gaba – which might help you clarify your own concerns or suggestions for CMS.
Effectuated enrollment for the first half of 2020 was about 3.4% higher than 2019
CMS has published effectuated marketplace enrollment data for the first half of 2020. Not surprisingly, average effectuated enrollment from January to June this year was higher than last year, by about 350,000 people. For the first six months of 2020, an average of more than 10.5 million people had effectuated coverage through the marketplaces, versus under 10.2 million during the same time period in 2019. As explained here by Andrew Sprung, effectuated enrollment for just the month of June was likely even more significantly elevated when compared with June of 2019, although those official numbers aren’t yet available.
Average monthly premiums were about 3 percent lower than they had been in 2019, and average monthly premium subsidy (premium tax credit) amounts were about 4 percent lower. This is not surprising, given that average premiums for existing plans decreased slightly in 2020 and insurers entered the marketplaces in at least 19 states, in some cases with premiums that were lower than the existing plans’ rates. (In states that use HealthCare.gov, average benchmark plan premiums were 4 percent lower in 2020 than they had been in 2019, and premium subsidy amounts are based on the cost of the benchmark plan in each area.)
State insurance commissioners send policy recommendations to President-elect Biden
Last week, insurance commissioners from Colorado, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Oregon, California, Delaware, Hawaii, Washington, Minnesota, Michigan, and Wisconsin sent a letter to President-elect Biden, making health policy recommendations that the incoming administration could implement in order to improve access to health coverage and medical care.
California law will help people transition seamlessly to exchange if they lose coverage
California Senate Bill 260, which was signed into law in 2019 and takes effect on Friday, will help to ensure that California residents who lose their health insurance are able to easily transition to coverage through Covered California (the state-run exchange), which can be either a private plan or Medi-Cal, depending on the person’s financial situation.
Under the terms of the new law, state-regulated health plans in California will provide the exchange with contact information of any plan member whose coverage terminates, unless the person has specifically opted out of this program. The exchange will then be able to reach out to these individuals to let them know what coverage options and financial assistance are available to them.
Starting in July, SB260 will also require Covered California to automatically enroll people who are losing Medi-Cal coverage into the lowest-cost available Silver plan, although the person will also be given the option to select a different plan or to reject the auto-enrollment altogether.
Medicaid eligibility restored for COFA citizens
In addition to COVID-19 relief, surprise balance billing protections, and a host of other reforms, the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021 also restores access to Medicaid for citizens from the Marshall Islands, Palau, and the Federated States of Micronesia who live in the United States under the terms of the Compacts of Free Association.
A drafting error in the 1996 welfare reform legislation eliminated Medicaid access for COFA migrants, and it’s taken nearly a quarter of a century of advocacy and legislative efforts to restore it. As many as 94,000 COFA migrants nationwide could benefit from the restored access to Medicaid, which took effect immediately when the law was enacted.
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
Enrollment up 6.6% for 2021 in states that use HealthCare.gov
Last Friday, CMS published preliminary enrollment data for the 36 states that used HealthCare.gov during the open enrollment period that ended last week. Across those 36 states, a total of 8.23 million people enrolled in private plans through HealthCare.gov. As Charles Gaba notes, that’s a 6.6 percent increase over last year, after we account for the fact that Pennsylvania and New Jersey are now running their own exchange platforms and will report their enrollment numbers separately. (Both also have ongoing enrollment periods, as noted above.)
As detailed by Andrew Sprung, private-plan enrollment via the exchange in states that have not expanded Medicaid is about 10 percent higher for 2021 than it was for 2020, while enrollment is slightly lower in states that have expanded Medicaid. Sprung offers several explanations for this, including the fact that many who lost their incomes in 2020 have transitioned to Medicaid, which is more likely to be an available option in states that have expanded Medicaid. Sprung has also tracked the significant increase in the number of people covered by Medicaid this year.
Trump administration finalizes rule changes for grandfathered group plans
Earlier this month, the Trump administration finalized new rules for grandfathered group health plans. The rule change is essentially the same as the changes that the administration proposed in July, but the effective date has been pushed out to mid-June 2021, as opposed to the originally proposed effective date of 30 days after the rules were finalized.
Under the new rules, grandfathered group plans that are HSA-qualified will be able to make cost-sharing increases necessary to retain their HSA-qualified status, even if the increases exceed the limits that would otherwise have applied to grandfathered plans. (This situation has not yet arisen, but if it does in the future, the rule change will allow these plans to keep both their HSA-qualified status and their grandfathered status.) And the new rules will also allow grandfathered group plans to increase their cost-sharing amounts by a larger threshold than previously permitted, with allowable cost-sharing expected to be about 3 percentage points higher under the new rule.
Congress passes legislation to protect consumers from surprise balance billing
The surprise balance billing legislation that we told you about last week was included in the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021, which passed earlier this week with strong bipartisan support in both the House and Senate. President Trump was widely expected to sign it as soon as it reached his desk, but he cast doubt on that via Twitter on Tuesday night, expressing displeasure at some aspects of the legislation. Trump didn’t say that he would veto the bill, but the video he shared on Twitter indicated that the current bill is no longer a sure thing.
In its current form, the massive bill includes government funding for the first three quarters of 2021, extensive COVID-19 relief, and numerous other provisions, including strong consumer protections against surprise balance billing that will take effect in January 2022. As the Kaiser Family Foundation’s Larry Levitt explains in this Twitter thread, the new legislation provides strong consumer protections, and – assuming it does get signed into law – will result in consumers having to pay just their normal in-network cost-sharing when they receive emergency care or unknowingly receive care from an out-of-network provider at an in-network facility.
Protections against surprise balance billing for ground ambulance charges are not included in the legislation, despite the fact that ambulance rides often result in surprise balance billing. But the legislation does call for a commission that will study ground ambulance charges in hopes of incorporating additional consumer protections in a future piece of legislation.
Congresses passes legislation to make health insurers subject to federal antitrust laws
The Competitive Health Insurance Reform Act of 2020 – H.R.1418 – passed in the Senate last night and is now headed to President Trump’s desk (it was passed by the House in September). Under the terms of this legislation, health insurance companies will be subject to federal antitrust laws, reversing a 75-year-old exemption that was granted in 1945 via the McCarran-Ferguson Act.
Sens. Steve Daines (R-Montana) and Patrick Leahy (D-Vermont) shepherded the bipartisan bill through the Senate. In announcing the passage of the bill, Daines noted that it “will ensure that health insurance issuers are subject to the same federal antitrust laws prohibiting unfair trade practices, such as price-fixing and collusion, as virtually every other industry in our economy.” The rest of the McCarran-Ferguson Act – which gives states the right to regulate their insurance markets — is unchanged by H.R.1418.
Ohio enacts legislation to end ‘fail first’ drug requirements for stage 4 cancer treatment
This week, Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine signed a new law prohibiting Ohio health insurance plans from imposing “fail first” requirements on drug coverage for people with stage 4 cancer. S.B.252 prohibits insurers from requiring these patients to try a cheaper medication first and then only cover another medication if the first did not work. These “fail first” requirements are often imposed on newer, cutting-edge therapies that tend to be more expensive than older medications, but Ohio’s legislation stems from the fact that time is of the essence with metastatic cancer.
Delaware proposal calls for increased investment in primary care
Delaware’s Insurance Commissioner, Trinidad Navarro, and the state’s Office of Value-Based Health Care Delivery have published a report that outlines proposals for improving access to primary care in the state without increasing healthcare costs. The report calls for health insurers in Delaware to increase their investments in primary care while decreasing price growth for some other services, including hospital care, and to transition to a value-based payment model instead of a fee-for-service model. The state is accepting public comments on the report until January 25, 2021.
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
“Will my health insurance cover me when I’m traveling?” It’s a question that most travelers have, but the answer varies depending on the type of coverage you have and where you’re traveling.
First things first: Before you plan any trip, it’s wise to contact your health insurer and ask specific questions about your coverage while traveling. Ask them to refer you to written documents (or send them to you), as you’ll want to have details in writing that clarify exactly what is and isn’t covered when you travel. Although we’ll provide a general overview here, there’s no substitute for finding out exactly how your specific policy covers you when you leave your home area.
Travel within the United States
If you’re traveling within the U.S., you’ll generally have coverage for emergency care provided in an emergency room in another state. This is true regardless of your plan’s network structure (EPO, PPO, HMO, or POS) or how extensive the network is.
If you’re traveling outside your home state, your health plan may or may not have in-network providers in your destination state. Employer-sponsored plans (especially those offered by large employers) often have nationwide networks, but individual market plans (the kind you buy on your own, either through the exchange or directly from an insurer) almost invariably now have localized networks that do not include nationwide in-network coverage.
So your access to in-network coverage outside your home state depends in large part on where you get your health insurance.
Assuming that you do not have in-network coverage when you’re in another state, there are a few things to keep in mind:
Your plan should cover you for emergency care, and should pay a reasonable amount towards the cost of such care. And all non-grandfathered health plans are required to limit your cost-sharing (deductible, copays, coinsurance) to the plan’s in-network amounts, even if the emergency room care is out-of-network.
HOWEVER, and this is a big caveat, there is nothing in federal law that prevents the out-of-network emergency room and/or physicians from sending the patient a bill for whatever portion of of their charges are above the amount that the insurer considers reasonable. This is in addition to the cost-sharing required by the patient’s health plan. Some states have implemented rules to protect consumers from balance billing in emergency situations, although this varies considerably from one state to another. But Congress is considering legislation in 2019 that would prevent surprise balance billing nationwide.
And there is no standard definition of what constitutes an emergency. Insurers can and do dispute the emergency nature of medical care, even if it’s provided in an emergency room. If the out-of-network care is not considered an emergency and your health plan doesn’t cover out-of-network care (HMOs and EPOs generally never cover non-emergency out-of-network care), you can expect to have to pay the full cost yourself.
Supplemental coverage
Some people purchase supplemental coverage to offset some of the potential costs that could be incurred if a medical situation arises while in another state:
Accident supplements will typically reimburse a policyholder a flat dollar amount, which can be used to pay out-of-network charges or balance bills in the event of a medical claim that arises from an accident or injury.
Critical illness plans also reimburse the policyholder a flat dollar amount, although the plan will only pay if the patient experiences a specific covered illness. These plans typically include coverage for things like heart attacks and strokes, so they can be useful to sudden scenarios that can arise while one is traveling and which necessitate emergency care (again keeping in mind that while your health plan will cover the emergency care, you can still be billed by the out-of-network medical providers for any amounts above the “reasonable” amount that your insurer pays them).
Supplemental plans are also useful for covering out-of-pocket costs that arise from in-network and non-emergency situations, so they’re suitable for maintaining as year-round, whether you’re traveling or not. But they should never be relied upon as stand-alone coverage (ie, you still need to have major medical coverage in addition to your supplemental coverage).
And although nobody heads out on vacation planning to end up stuck in the hospital for an extended amount of time, it can happen. This Wall Street Journal article is a sobering reminder that emergency medical situations can sometimes result in long hospital stays with the patient too ill to return home. Out-of-network balance billing can quickly reach unmanageable levels in situations like that, and although the billing can sometimes be resolved with negotiations and mediations, it can also sometimes end up pushing people into bankruptcy.
Will my current plan cover me at all when I’m outside the United States?
It depends on your plan. If you’re enrolled in Medicare, your Medigap plan might provide some coverage for international travel (Original Medicare doesn’t cover care outside the U.S., with very limited exceptions).
If you’ve got private coverage, it depends on your plan. On some plans, life or limb medical emergencies are covered, but the onus is on the patient to prove that the situation was truly an emergency, and the cost of medical evacuation back to the United States is rarely covered by standard U.S.-based health plans. (Travel insurance plans generally do cover medication evacuations).
Travel insurance: A widely available solution if you’re traveling abroad
Most U.S.-based health plans do not cover international travel. Fortunately, travel health insurance plans are widely available, inexpensive, and relatively easy to obtain.
Travel insurance plans are not regulated by the ACA, so they can still have annual and lifetime benefit caps, they do not have to cover pre-existing conditions, and coverage is not guaranteed issue. There’s also no requirement that plans cover the ACA’s ten essential benefits.
But travel medical insurance does provide peace of mind if you’re planning a trip abroad. Coverage is available for U.S. and foreign nationals traveling outside their home countries, and a wide range of plans are available to fit every budget.
Expat insurance: When you need coverage abroad for an extended period of time
If you’re going to be living abroad for an extended period of time, your health insurance needs will be different from those of someone who is taking a vacation overseas. If you’ve been hired by a company that is sending you abroad, they may have already made arrangements for your health coverage. But if you’re self-employed, taking a sabbatical, or retiring overseas, you’ll likely need to sort out your own coverage arrangements.
Fortunately, there are insurers that offer plans specifically tailored to the needs of expats and long-term travelers. These policies can be purchased to include coverage in the U.S. as well as coverage abroad, or to only provide coverage outside the U.S. (your needs may vary depending on whether you’re planning to also maintain your U.S.-based coverage). As is the case with general travel insurance, expat/long-term travel plans are not subject to the ACA’s regulations.
Renewing your travel coverage
Travel medical insurance is not guaranteed renewable, which means that if you need another policy after your first one ends, you’d have to reapply and go through medical underwriting again (similar to short-term insurance).
And since travel insurance is not considered minimum essential coverage, the termination of a travel policy does not trigger a special enrollment period to purchase a regular ACA-compliant health insurance plan in your home state. This is an important reason to make sure that your travel policy is purchased to supplement your regular health plan, not replace it.
If you live abroad and then move back to the United States, you’ll be eligible for a special enrollment period, triggered by your move, during which you can purchase an ACA-compliant plan. But be prepared to prove that you were actually living abroad, and not just on vacation (in guidance related to a permanent relocation, HHS has noted that people need to spend “an entire season or other long period of time” in a location in order to establish residency there).
In the past, regular health insurance had many of the same caveats as travel insurance. But the ACA’s reforms have made us more accustomed to guaranteed-issue coverage that doesn’t discriminate against pre-existing conditions or limit coverage for essential health benefits. So it’s important to read the fine print on any travel insurance policy you’re considering, as the nuances of the coverage may be far different from your normal coverage.
Travel insurance: Read all the fine print
Piper Kan and Reece Huculak-Kimmel both have stories that amount to a cautionary tale about the short-comings of travel insurance. Both little girls were born prematurely in foreign countries, and the extensive medical bills were not covered, despite the fact that in each case the parents had purchased travel health insurance policies and thought they were covered for any contingency.
The take-away? It’s important to pay careful attention to the written details and exclusions of the plan you’re considering. Don’t rely on verbal confirmations of benefits.
But that said, travel insurance is an excellent supplement to your regular policy, and will cover mishaps in foreign countries that would otherwise have to be paid out-of-pocket. Bon voyage!
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance.png512512wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2019-08-29 03:10:382021-01-24 00:52:23Don’t forget to pack travel health insurance
You’ve probably heard of health savings accounts (HSAs), and you may have wondered if one would be a good fit for you. You aren’t alone.
According to a survey released in 2018, approximately 22 million Americans have chosen to use a health savings account coupled with a high-deductible health plan (HDHP) to pay for current and future healthcare costs. Plans that participated in the survey reported a 9.2 percent increase in HSA enrollment from 2016 to 2017.
Explaining the growth in enrollment isn’t difficult when one takes a closer look at this financial tool and an impressive array of benefits they offer to people willing and able to use them.
Click on image for full-sized infographic.
Who can utilize HSAs?
In order to contribute to an HSA, you need to be covered under a high-deductible health insurance plan, either obtained through your employer or purchased on your own. The majority of large employers offer an HDHP option (70 percent did so in 2018), and HDHPs are available for purchase in the individual market nearly everywhere in the country. (That means you can have an HDHP and HSA even if you buy your own health insurance. An employer doesn’t have to be involved.)
Once you’re enrolled in an HDHP, you can open an HSA (or sign up for the one your employer uses) and begin making contributions. And if you’re on the fence about whether it’s the right move for you, here are some things to keep in mind:
1. HSAs offer a triple tax advantage
The HSA is a rare breed in terms of tax-advantaged accounts:
The money you put into your HSA is pre-tax.
While the money is in your HSA, there’s no tax on investment gains or interest earned in the account.
And then when you withdraw the money, it’s still tax-free – as long as you use it to pay for qualified medical expenses.
Contributing to your HSA reduces your modified adjusted gross income, which is important to keep in mind if you’re buying your own coverage and trying to qualify for premium subsidies. There’s an upper limit on how high your income can be for subsidy eligibility (400 percent of the FPL), and you might find that an HSA contribution makes you eligible for a premium subsidy when you would otherwise earn too much — or eligible for a larger subsidy, if you were already subsidy-eligible before the HSA contribution. Here’s more about how this works.
2. Paying medical expenses with pre-tax dollars
Once you’ve put money in your HSA, you can withdraw it at any time to pay for a qualified medical expense. And qualified medical expenses go well beyond the out-of-pocket costs for services that are covered by your health insurance plan. They also include includes things like dental and vision costs, as well as products like sunscreen (SPF 30+), bandages, and lip balm.
If you don’t have an HSA, you can only deduct medical expenses by itemizing your deductions on your tax return. And even if you itemize, you can only deduct medical expenses that are in excess of 10 percent of your income (for 2017 and 2018, the threshold was 7.5 percent of your income).
3. Your HSA can be a backup retirement account
If you withdraw money from your HSA before you turn 65 and you’re not using it to pay for qualified medical expenses, you’ll have to pay income tax and a 20 percent penalty. (Don’t do this unless it’s a dire emergency!)
But once you turn 65, that 20 percent penalty no longer applies. You can continue to use your HSA funds for medical expenses, avoiding taxes altogether on the withdrawals. But if you choose to withdraw the money for other purposes, you’ll just pay income tax. This is similar to how a traditional IRA works in terms of taxes. (Note that with a traditional IRA, you can start to withdraw money penalty-free at age 59.5, whereas with an HSA, you have to be 65.)
And unlike traditional IRAs, you’re not required to start taking money out of your HSA when you turn 70.5. If you want to leave it in the account to continue to grow, you can do that.
4. Pre-tax contributions … regardless of your income
Although you can think of your HSA as a backup retirement account, there is no income limit – on the low end or the high end – for deducting HSA contributions.
This is not the case for IRAs: There’s an income limit for Roth IRA contributions, a lower income limit for being about to contribute pre-tax money to a traditional IRA, and both require you (or your spouse) to have enough earned income to cover the contributions.
With an HSA, there’s no “use it or lose it” provision. This is one of the primary differences between an HSA and an FSA. If you put money in your HSA and then don’t withdraw it, it will remain in the account and be available to you in future years.
6. … and you can choose how your HSA grows
HSA funds can be kept in basic interest bearing accounts – similar to a regular savings account at a bank or credit union – or, if you choose an HSA custodian that offers it, you can invest your HSA funds in stocks, bonds, or mutual funds.
There’s no single right answer in terms of what you should do with the money in your HSA before you need to use it. If you’re planning to withdraw all or most of your contributions each year to fund ongoing medical expenses, an FDIC-insured institution might be the best choice. The account will likely only generate small amounts of interest, but it will also be protected from losses.
On the other hand, if you’re looking at your HSA as a long-term investment and your risk tolerance is suited to the stock market’s volatility, you might prefer to invest your HSA funds.
If you buy your own HDHP, you can select from any of the available HSA custodians. (Pay attention to fees, investment options, and expense ratios, as is always the case with investment accounts.)
If you have an HSA through your employer, you might be limited to using the HSA custodian that your employer has selected, at least as far as your employer’s contributions go. And HSA contributions made via payroll deduction are typically free of income tax and payroll tax. You can’t avoid payroll taxes if you make your own HSA contributions outside of your employer’s payroll.
But you’re free to establish a separate HSA on your own, and transfer money out of the HSA your employer selected, and into the one you picked yourself. The IRS considers this a transfer, instead of a rollover, so there are no limits on how often you can do this.
Ready to try out a Health Savings Account?
7. You can leave your job and take your HSA
If you have an HSA through your employer, the money in the account is yours. When you leave your job, you get to take the remaining HSA balance with you. (This is another difference between FSAs and HSAs.)
You can choose a new HSA custodian and transfer the money if you wish. There are no taxes on the HSA money you take with you when you leave your job, unless you withdraw the money and don’t use it for medical expenses.
8. Deductibles aren’t necessarily higher than other plans
You must have a high-deductible health plan (HDHP) in order to contribute to an HSA. And it’s understandable that the term “high-deductible” makes people nervous. But the deductibles aren’t necessarily higher than the deductibles for non-HDHPs, and in some cases, they’re even lower.
In 2019, IRS regulations require HDHPs to have deductibles of at least $1,350 for an individual and $2,700 for a family. These minimums will increase slightly in 2020, to $1,400 and $2,800. But average deductibles for Bronze and Silver plans in the individual market are considerably higher than that. Among people who have employer-sponsored plans that include deductibles (more than 80 percent do), the average deductible for a single employee is nearly $1,600.
So although HSA-qualified plans are officially “high-deductible,” they sometimes have deductibles and out-of-pocket limits that are lower than other available plans. And it’s possible to find HSA-qualified plans at the Bronze, Silver, and Gold metal levels if you’re shopping for your own coverage.
And HDHPs may soon start to cover more services before the deductible, for people with certain chronic conditions. Until 2019, HDHPs were limited to covering only preventive care before the deductible (ie, prior to the insured meeting the minimum deductible amount that the IRS sets each year), and the definition of preventive care was updated in 2013 to align with the preventive services that the ACA requires all non-grandfathered health plans to cover.
But in July 2019, in response to a recent executive order, the IRS issued new guidelines for preventive care that can be covered before the deductible on an HDHP without forfeiting the plan’s HSA eligibility. The new rules took effect immediately, but insureds aren’t likely to see plans with enhanced preventive care benefits until at least 2020, and maybe 2021, as most insurers had already developed their plans for 2020 by the time the new guidelines were issued.
Under the new rules, an HDHP can cover, pre-deductible, certain specific health care benefits for people with certain chronic conditions and the health plan can remain HSA-eligible (assuming it meets all of the other requirements for HSA-eligibility. For people with the following chronic conditions, these services can be covered before the deductible on an HDHP:
Note that although the IRS has provided transitional relief through the end of 2019 for HDHPs that cover male contraception before the deductible, that exception will expire as of 2020 and the new guidance does not change anything about that. So unless the IRS takes additional action, health plans that cover male contraception pre-deductible will no longer be HSA-eligible as of 2020.
Also note that HDHPs will not be required to offer any of these benefits pre-deductible, unless a state decides to require it on state-regulated plans. These are benefits that go above and beyond the federally-required preventive care services, so whether to offer these services pre-deductible will be up to each insurer. But offering them will not cause a plan to lose HDHP status, which would have been the case prior to July 2019.
9. There’s no deadline for reimbursing yourself from your HSA
When you pay a medical bill and you have an HSA, there’s nothing that says you have to pull money out of your HSA to cover the medical bill. And there’s also no time limit on when you can reimburse yourself. As long as the medical expense was incurred after you established the HSA, and you didn’t take it as an itemized deduction, you can reimburse yourself years or decades later — after letting your HSA funds grow in the meantime.
So imagine that you’re contributing to your HSA each year, and also spending a few hundred or a few thousand dollars each year in medical expenses. You pay those bills from your regular bank account, keeping careful track of how much you pay and retaining all of your receipts.
Now let’s say that you decide you want to retire a few years early, before you can start withdrawing money from your regular retirement account. At that point, you can gather up all of the receipts from all the medical expenses you’ve paid since you opened your HSA, and reimburse yourself all at once (this is why it’s so important to keep your receipts — if you’re ever audited, you’ll need to be able to show that the amount you withdrew from your HSA was equal to the amount you had paid in medical bills over the years).
The money you withdraw is still tax-free at that point, since all you’re doing is reimbursing medical expenses (again, be careful not to withdraw more than you’ve spent in medical expenses; if you do, you’ll have to pay income tax and a 20 percent penalty on the excess withdrawal). But because you waited a few decades to reimburse yourself, you’ve given the money in your HSA many years to grow, tax-free, resulting in a potentially larger stash of funds.
10. Your HSA can be your long-term care fund
If you’re healthy and don’t have much in the way of medical expenses, you can think of your HSA as a really long-term investment. You’ll have to stop contributing to it once you’re enrolled in Medicare, but the money that’s already in the account at that point can continue to grow from one year to the next during your retirement.
You might find that you want to use your HSA funds, tax-free, to pay Medicare premiums. (That’s Part A if you’re not eligible for premium-free Part A, as well as Part B and Part D. You can also pay Medicare Advantage premiums with HSA funds, but you cannot pay Medigap premiums with tax-free HSA money.) Or you might need the HSA funds to cover out-of-pocket medical expenses during retirement.
But if you end up needing long-term care, the cost is likely to dwarf the out-of-pocket medical expenses you had earlier in your retirement. Medicare doesn’t cover long-term care, and Medicaid only steps in if you’re low-income and have exhausted almost all of your assets.
You can buy private long-term care insurance, but some people opt to treat an HSA as an investment earmarked for potential long-term care bills incurred late in life. If you don’t end up needing long-term care, your HSA can be passed on to your heirs, similar to a retirement account.
Clearly, there are a lot of advantages to an HSA. If you’re enrolled in an HDHP, it’s definitely in your best interest to set up an HSA and fund it. And if you don’t currently have HDHP coverage, it’s well worth considering as a future option.
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/health-savings-account-advantages-infographic-1.jpg17791761wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2019-07-20 16:00:382021-01-24 00:50:49Top 10 reasons to use health savings accounts
Patients can see any provider, but there’s no guarantee they’ll find a provider willing to accept their sharing ministry coverage.
As health insurance premiums rise, so does the popularity of cheaper alternatives to covering medical expenses. That’s one reason why healthcare sharing ministries – which can average less than half the cost of traditional health insurance plans – have seen a major membership surge in the past few years.
Healthcare sharing ministries are faith-based non-profit organizations that pool members’ money to share medical expenses. As long as the ministry has been in existence since December 31, 1999, participation exempts members from the Affordable Care Act’s individual mandate to have health insurance (that’s no longer an issue after the end of 2018, as the federal individual mandate penalty won’t apply in 2019 or future years).
These organizations generally require members to make a promise to adhere to certain biblical values and to participate regularly in worship or prayers. As a result, some health conditions don’t comport, leaving members to pay out-of-pocket for illnesses stemming from the use of tobacco, alcohol, and drug addiction, for example. They typically don’t pay for mental health services, out-of-wedlock pregnancies, contraceptives or abortion either.
Since the Affordable Care Act became law, membership for healthcare sharing ministries has grown at a rapid rate. The Commonwealth Fund reports that there were an estimated one million people enrolled in health care sharing ministry plans as of 2018, up from about 200,000 as of 2010 (the year the ACA was implemented). More than 100 health care sharing ministries are in operation in the US, although nearly all of them are affiliated with small Mennonite churches; most health care sharing ministry members are enrolled in coverage offered by Samaritan Ministries, Medi-Share, Christian Healthcare Ministries, and Liberty Healthshare.
Desire for cheaper plans fuels interest
Why the rapid growth? Health care sharing ministry plans are far less expensive than ACA-compliant coverage for people who aren’t eligible for premium subsidies in the exchange. As long as they’re healthy, can agree to a sharing ministry’s lifestyle requirements, and aren’t concerned with the coverage gaps and reduced regulatory oversight, they can pay a lot less each month for their coverage by using a sharing ministry plan.
For example, a single person between the age of 30 and 64 who signs up with Liberty HealthShare ministry will pay $299/month. A couple will pay $399/month, and a family will pay $529/month. The plan will share up to $1,000,000 per incident, and there’s an “unshared amount” (similar to a deductible) that ranges from $1,000 to $2,250.
A single 50-year-old enrolling in Medi-Share (Christian Care Ministry) will pay between $176/month and $484/month, depending on their health and the unshared amount that they select. For a family of four with 50-year-old parents, the Medi-Share monthly cost will range from $301 to $959.
Compare that to average monthly premiums through the ACA marketplaces of $668 for a 50-year old individual purchasing a silver on-exchange plan for 2019 without any premium subsidies. A family of four (50-year-old parents and two teenage kids) will pay an average of nearly $2,000/month for a silver plan in the exchange if they aren’t eligible for premium subsidies in 2019. And silver plans can have out-of-pocket exposure as high as $7,900 for an individual and $15,800 for a family
But if there’s no way you’re eligible for subsidies, the monthly costs might make a sharing ministry plan look like a good option. But before ditching your ACA-compliant health insurance policy, here are five things to know about healthcare sharing ministries.
1. They’re not health insurance
Although designed to help consumers cover the cost of medical expenses, healthcare sharing ministries differ in significant ways from health insurance policies that comply with the Affordable Care Act.
“It’s voluntary and cooperative and motivated by compassion and the urge to assist another person in need. That’s really what drives it versus an insurance arrangement where there is a contract of indemnity. That’s the essential difference,” says Dale Bellis, Liberty Health Share’s executive director.
Each healthcare sharing ministry operates a bit differently, but generally the money collected from members each month is placed into an account. The ministry then facilitates the direct sharing of medical costs among members.
“Each month members can see the names of other members who have benefited from their monthly share amount,” says Michael Gardner, director of marketing and communications for Christian Care Ministry, a healthcare sharing ministry in Melbourne, Florida.
2. State and federal regulations don’t apply
Consumers who face problems with a healthcare sharing ministry, such as when a claim is paid or a service is not covered, aren’t protected by their state’s insurance department.
As of 2018, there are 30 states with laws that exempt health care sharing ministries from laws that apply to health insurance. So members of healthcare sharing ministries in those states don’t get the benefit of regulatory oversight from the insurance department. That’s because healthcare sharing ministries are not health insurance companies and do not technically offer health insurance
So there are no guarantees that certain services or treatments, such as preventive visits and contraceptives, mental healthcare and treatment associated with drug or alcohol use or abuse, are covered. And in many cases, some of those services are specifically excluded. The ACA’s consumer protections don’t apply to health care sharing ministries, so essential health benefits don’t have to be covered.
Most health care sharing ministries do have formal appeals processes in place, but they aren’t enforced by federal or state law.
LibertyShare, for example, alerts members on its website about their rights when grievances over uncovered medical costs occur, and when attempts at resolving the dispute don’t work in the member’s favor.
This program is not an insurance company nor is it offered through an insurance company. This program does not guarantee or promise that your medical bills will be paid or assigned to others for payment. Whether anyone chooses to pay your medical bills will be totally voluntary. As such, this program should never be considered as a substitute for an insurance policy. Whether you receive any payments for medical expenses and whether or not this program continues to operate, you are always liable for any unpaid bills.
“It’s buyer beware. If you have health costs not covered there is very little recourse for you. You can’t go to a government agency to complain,” explains Sabrina Corlett, with the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University’s Health Policy Institute. And as the fine print clearly notes, the sharing ministry plan should not be considered a substitute for health insurance.
3. Underwriting is permitted
One common practice the ACA outlawed was the ability of health insurers to turn away people with pre-existing health conditions, or to charge them more for coverage.
Not so with healthcare sharing ministries.
Medical underwriting is allowed and pre-existing health conditions can be excluded from coverage.
4. There are limits to coverage
Unlike health insurance, there are generally limits to the amount of medical expenses healthcare sharing ministries will cover – in some cases, a maximum payout of $125,000 per incident and $1,000,000 per diagnosis.
Although healthcare sharing ministries report that most members’ “sharable expenses” are covered, they are clear to say there is no guarantee.
“Neither Medi-Share nor any of its members assume any obligation to pay another member’s medical bills,” Gardner says. Medi-Share’s policy is common among other ministries.
5. No limits on access to doctors, hospitals, but also no guarantee they’ll accept sharing ministry coverage
Christian Care Ministry is one of a few organizations with a provider network it suggests members tap for care. According to Gardner, staff is better able to negotiate a discounted rate when members see one of the more than 700,000 providers participating with the organization nationwide. However, members are allowed to see any provider they wish.
In most cases, ministries will negotiate prices on members’ behalf. And, it’s a good deal for both the patient and providers, they say. According to Bellis, 97 percent of all doctors and hospitals take the reimbursement they negotiate.
But there’s another side to this as well: Doctors and hospitals can treat sharing ministry members as cash-paying patients, which means they might not accept them at all, if the patient is expected to rack up a significant bill. To be clear, doctors and hospital like cash-paying patients if the patient pays up front or the bill is relatively small and there’s an expectation that the patient will be able to pay it without much trouble. But when a bill is expected to be substantial and isn’t paid up front, a patient without a solid insurance policy backing them might experience difficulties in getting the hospital to provide treatment.
Look before a leap of faith
Corlette of Georgetown University’s Health Policy Institute says anyone considering a healthcare sharing ministry in place of an ACA-compliant health insurance plan just needs to enter with their eyes wide open.
“What I would say about health sharing ministries is they are a leap of faith, both literally and figuratively.”
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A federal judge concluded that Aetna dropped Obamacare coverage in certain markets to help its merger, not for business purposes like the company stated.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance.png512512wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2017-01-24 12:36:332021-02-06 14:07:43Judge: Aetna lied about quitting Obamacare
Cyberbullying insurance from Chubb will help clients recover if online trolling leads to financial losses.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance.png512512wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2015-12-18 10:12:312021-02-06 14:07:45Cyberbullying insurance now available for the rich
New parents at eBay will be able to take a lot more paid time off starting next year. Dads too.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance.png512512wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2015-12-04 16:54:582021-02-06 14:07:46eBay to give new moms 6 months of paid leave
A single 20-year-old pays 21% more than a married driver the same age for car insurance.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance.png512512wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2015-03-26 10:06:172021-02-06 14:07:46Singles pay more for car insurance
The insurance company is allegedly offering different coverage plans to drivers who are low-income, single, without a college degree, and previously uninsured.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance.png512512wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2015-02-13 15:32:232021-02-06 14:07:47Geico accused of discriminating against low-income drivers
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance.png512512wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2015-01-24 19:54:112021-02-06 14:07:47Obamacare website reins in personal data sharing
The Federal Housing Administration is dramatically cutting the premiums it charges for mortgage insurance. As a result the typical first-time home buyer should save about $900 a year.
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance.png512512wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2015-01-07 15:39:272021-02-06 14:07:48FHA to lower cost of mortgage insurance
https://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance.png512512wpmaddoxinshttps://www.maddoxinsurememphis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/maddox-insurance-agency.pngwpmaddoxins2014-10-27 14:29:492021-02-06 14:07:49One property insurance claim can hike your premiums by hundreds
Is there still a penalty for being uninsured?
Key takeaways
Q. Is there still a penalty for being uninsured?
A. When the Affordable Care Act was written, lawmakers knew that it would be essential to get healthy people enrolled in coverage, since insurance only works if there are enough low-cost enrollees to balance out the sicker, higher-cost enrollees. So the law included an individual mandate, otherwise known as the shared responsibility provision.
This controversial provision stipulated that people who didn’t have minimum essential coverage would be subject to a tax penalty unless they were exempt from the shared responsibility provision.
But that tax penalty was eliminated after the end of 2018, under the terms of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017. Technically, the individual mandate itself is still in effect, but there’s no longer a penalty to enforce it.
(The continued existence of the mandate – but without the penalty – is the crux of the California v. Texas lawsuit, in which 18 states are challenging the constitutionality of the mandate without the penalty, and arguing that the entire ACA should be overturned if the mandate is unconstitutional. A judge ruled in December 2018 that the ACA should indeed be overturned, and Trump Administration agrees. The case was appealed to the Fifth Circuit and oral arguments were heard in July 2019. The ruling was issued in late 2019, essentially just kicking the can down the road: The appeal court panel agreed with the lower court that the individual mandate is unconstitutional but remanded the case back to the lower court to determine which aspects of the ACA should be overturned. The case was then heard by the Supreme Court in the fall of 2020, with a ruling expected in the spring of 2021. But with the Biden administration and a very slim Democratic majority in Congress, it may be possible to make the case moot before the ruling is issued.)
DC, Massachusetts, New Jersey, California, and Rhode Island have penalties for being uninsured
Although the IRS is not penalizing people who are uninsured in 2019 and beyond, states still have the option to do so. A handful of states have their own individual mandates and penalties for non-compliance:
Vermont enacted a mandate but opted not to impose any penalty for non-compliance
Vermont enacted legislation in 2018 to create a state-based individual mandate, but they scheduled it to take effect in 2020, instead of 2019, as the penalty details weren’t included in the 2018 legislation and were left instead for lawmakers to work out during the 2019 session. But the penalty language was ultimately stripped out of the 2019 legislation (H.524) and the version that passed did not include any penalty. So although Vermont does technically have an individual mandate as of 2020, there will not be a penalty associated with non-compliance (ie, essentially the same thing that applies at the federal level).
Maryland also removed penalty language from 2019 legislation
Maryland enacted HB814/SB802 in 2019. The legislation initially included an individual mandate and penalty that would have taken effect in 2021. But that portion of the bill was removed before passage, despite support from insurers and the Maryland Hospital Association, and the final version did not include any of the original mandate penalty language. Instead, the new law creates an “easy enrollment health insurance program” that will use tax return data to identify people who are uninsured and interested in obtaining health coverage, and then connect them with the Maryland health insurance exchange (more details here, in the fiscal note).
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
The post Is there still a penalty for being uninsured? appeared first on healthinsurance.org.
How immigrants can obtain health coverage
Key takeaways
Did the ACA improve access to health coverage for immigrants?
For more than a decade, roughly one million people per year have been granted lawful permanent residence in the United States. In addition, there are about 11 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S, although that number has fallen from a high of more than 12 million in 2005.
New immigrants can obtain health insurance from a variety of sources, including employer-sponsored plans, the individual market, and health plans that are marketed specifically for immigrants.
The Affordable Care Act has made numerous changes to our health insurance system over the last several years. But recent immigrants are often confused in terms of what health insurance options are available to them. And persistent myths about the ACA have made it hard to discern what’s true and what’s not in terms of how the ACA applies to immigrants.
So let’s take a look at the health insurance options for immigrants, and how they’ve changed – or haven’t changed – under the ACA.
Use our calculator to estimate how much you could save on your ACA-compliant health insurance premiums.
Can any immigrant select from available health plans during open enrollment?
Open enrollment for individual-market health insurance coverage runs from November 1 to December 15 in most states.
During this window, any non-incarcerated, lawfully present U.S. resident can enroll in a health plan through the exchange in their state – or outside the exchange, if that’s their preference, although financial assistance is not available outside the exchange.
Are immigrants eligible for health insurance premium subsidies?
You do not have to be a U.S. citizen to benefit from the ACA. If you’re in the U.S. legally – regardless of how long you’ve been here – you’re eligible for subsidies in the exchange if your income is in the subsidy-eligible range and you don’t have access to an affordable, minimum value plan from an employer. Premium subsidies are available to exchange enrollees if their income is between 100 percent and 400 percent of the federal poverty level (FPL), but subsidies also extend below the poverty level for recent immigrants, as described below.
(A new rule issued by the Trump administration in 2019 expanded on the long-standing “public charge” rule. This rule took effect in early 2020. It was vacated by a federal judge as of November 2020, but that order was stayed by an appeals court just two days later, meaning that the Trump administration’s public charge rule can still be implemented while litigation continues on this case. Under the public charge rule, receiving premium subsidies in the exchange does not make a person a public charge under the new rule, but not receiving premium subsidies is considered a “heavily weighted positive factor” in the overall determination of whether a person is likely to be a public charge. This is discussed in more detail below.)
Lawfully present immigrant status applies to a wide range of people, including those with “non-immigrant” status such as work visas and student visas. So even if you’re only in the U.S. temporarily — for a year of studying abroad, for example — you can purchase coverage in the health insurance exchange for the state you’re living in while in the US. And depending on your income, you might be eligible for a premium subsidy to offset some of the cost of the coverage.
Special enrollment period for new citizens
When you become a new U.S. citizen or gain lawfully present status, you’re entitled to a special enrollment period in your state’s exchange. You’ll have 60 days from the date you became a citizen or a lawfully present resident to enroll in a plan through the exchange, with subsidies if you’re eligible for them.
There are a variety of other special enrollment periods that apply to people experiencing various qualifying life events. These special enrollment periods are available to immigrants and non-immigrants alike.
Are recent immigrants eligible for ACA subsidies?
The ACA called for expansion of Medicaid to all adults with income up to 138 percent of the poverty level, and no exchange subsidies for enrollees with income below the poverty level, since they’re supposed to have Medicaid instead. But Medicaid isn’t available in most states to recent immigrants until they’ve been lawfully present in the U.S. for five years. To get around this problem, Congress included a provision in the ACA to allow recent immigrants to get subsidies in the exchange regardless of how low their income is.
Low-income, lawfully present immigrants – who would be eligible for Medicaid based on income, but are barred from Medicaid because of their immigration status – are eligible to enroll in plans through the exchange with full subsidies during the five years when Medicaid is not available. Their premiums for the second-lowest-cost Silver plan are capped at 2.07 percent of income in 2021 (this number changes slightly each year).
In early 2015, Andrew Sprung explained that this provision of the ACA wasn’t well understood during the first open enrollment period, even by call center staff. So there may well have been low-income immigrants who didn’t end up enrolling due to miscommunication. But this issue is now likely to be much better understood by exchange staff, brokers, and enrollment assisters. If you’re in this situation and are told that you can’t get subsidies, don’t give up — ask to speak with a supervisor who can help you (for reference, this issue is detailed in ACA Section 1401(c)(1)(B), and it appears on page 113 of the text of the ACA).
Lawmakers included subsidies for low-income immigrants who weren’t eligible for Medicaid specifically to avoid a coverage gap. Ironically, there are currently about 2.3 million people in 13 states who are in a coverage gap that exists because those states have refused to expand Medicaid (two of those states — Missouri and Oklahoma — will expand Medicaid as of mid-2021, and Georgia will partially expand Medicaid, eliminating the coverage gap; at that point, there will only be 10 states with coverage gaps). Congress went out of their way to ensure that there would be no coverage gap for recent immigrants, but they couldn’t anticipate that the Supreme Court would make Medicaid optional for the states and that numerous states would block expansion, leading to a coverage gap for millions of U.S. citizens.
Can recent immigrants 65 and older buy exchange health plans?
Most Americans become eligible for Medicare when they turn 65, and no longer need individual-market coverage. But recent immigrants are not eligible to buy into the Medicare program until they’ve been lawfully present in the U.S. for five years.
Prior to 2014, this presented a conundrum for elderly immigrants, since individual market health insurance generally wasn’t available to anyone over the age of 64. But now that the ACA has been implemented, policies in the individual market are available on a guaranteed-issue basis, regardless of age. And if the plan is purchased in the exchange, subsidies are available based on income, just as they are for younger enrollees. (It’s unlawful to sell an individual market plan to anyone who has Medicare, but recent immigrants cannot enroll in Medicare).
The ACA also limits premiums for older enrollees to three times the premiums charged for younger enrollees. So there are essentially caps on the premiums that apply to elderly recent immigrants who are using the individual market in place of Medicare, even if their income is too high to qualify for subsidies.
Are undocumented immigrants eligible for ACA coverage?
Although the ACA provides benefits to U.S. citizens and lawfully present immigrants alike, it does not directly provide any benefits for undocumented immigrants.
The ACA specifically prevents non-lawfully present immigrants from enrolling in coverage through the exchanges [section 1312(f)(3)]. And they are also not eligible for Medicaid under federal guidelines. So the two major cornerstones of coverage expansion under the ACA are not available to undocumented immigrants.
Some states have implemented programs to cover undocumented immigrants, particularly children and/or pregnant women. For example, Oregon’s Cover All Kids program provides coverage to kids in households with income up to 305 percent of the poverty level, regardless of immigration status. California has had a similar program for children since 2016, and as of 2020, it also applied to young adults through the age of 25. New York covers kids and pregnant women in its Medicaid program regardless of income, and covers emergency care for other undocumented immigrants in certain circumstances.
It’s important to understand that if you’re lawfully present, you can enroll in a plan through the exchange even if some members of your family are not lawfully present. Family members who aren’t applying for coverage are not asked for details about their immigration status. And HealthCare.gov clarifies that immigration details you provide to the exchange during your enrollment and verification process are not shared with any immigration authorities.
How many undocumented immigrants are uninsured?
In terms of the insurance status of undocumented immigrants, the numbers tend to be rough estimates, since exact data regarding undocumented immigrants can be difficult to pin down. But according to Pew Research data, there were 11 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S. as of 2014.
According to a recent Kaiser Family Foundation analysis, undocumented immigrants are significantly more likely to be uninsured than U.S. citizens: 45 percent of undocumented immigrants are uninsured, versus about 8 percent of citizens.
So more than half of the undocumented immigrant population has some form of health insurance coverage. Kaiser Family Foundation’s Larry Levitt noted via Twitter that “some are buying non-group, but I’d agree that it’s primarily employer coverage.” And in 2014, Los Angeles Times writer Lisa Zamosky explained the various options that undocumented immigrants in California were using to obtain coverage, including student health plans, employer-sponsored coverage, and individual (i.e., non-group) plans purchased off-exchange (on-exchange, enrollees are required to provide proof of legal immigration status).
Uninsured undocumented immigrants do have access to some healthcare services, regardless of their ability to pay. Federal law (EMTALA) requires Medicare-participating hospitals to provide screening and stabilization services for anyone who enters their emergency rooms, without regard for insurance or residency status.
Since emergency rooms are the most expensive setting for healthcare, local officials in many areas have opted for less expensive alternatives. Of the 25 U.S counties with the largest number of undocumented immigrants, the Wall Street Journal reports that 20 have programs in place to fund primary and surgical care for low-income uninsured county residents, typically regardless of their immigration status.
Do ACA exchanges check the status of immigrants who want to buy coverage?
As part of the enrollment process, the exchanges are required to verify lawfully present status. In 2014, enrollments were terminated for approximately 109,000 people who had initially enrolled through HealthCare.gov, but who were unable to provide the necessary proof of legal residency (enrollees generally have 95 days to provide documentation to resolve data matching issues for immigration status).
By the end of June 2015, coverage in the federally facilitated exchange had been terminated for roughly 306,000 people who had enrolled in coverage for 2015 but had not provided adequate documentation to prove their lawfully-present status. In the first three months of 2016, coverage in the federally facilitated exchange was terminated for roughly 17,000 people who had unresolved immigration data matching issues, and coverage was terminated for the same reason for another 113,000 enrollees during the second quarter of 2016.
There’s concern among consumer advocates that some lawfully present residents have encountered barriers to enrollment – or canceled coverage – due to data-matching issues. If you’re lawfully present in the U.S (which includes a wide range of immigration statuses), you can legally use the exchange, and qualify for subsidies if you’re otherwise eligible. Be prepared, however, for the possibility that you might have to prove your lawfully present status.
There are enrollment assisters in your community who can help you with this process if necessary. But if you’re not lawfully present, you cannot enroll through the exchange, even if you’re willing to pay full price for your coverage. You can, however, apply for an ACA-compliant plan outside the exchange, as there’s no federal restriction on that.
Should immigrants consider short-term health insurance?
Immigrants who are unable to afford ACA-compliant coverage might find that a short-term health insurance plan will fit their needs, and it’s far better than being uninsured. Short-term plans are not sold through the health insurance exchanges, so the exchange requirement that enrollees provide proof of legal residency does not apply with short-term plans.
Short-term plans provide coverage that’s less comprehensive than ACA-compliant plans, and for the most part, they do not provide any coverage for pre-existing conditions. But for healthy applicants who can qualify for coverage, a short-term plan is far better than no coverage at all. And the premiums for short-term plans are far lower than the unsubsidized premiums for ACA-compliant plans.
With any insurance plan, it’s important to read the fine print and understand the ins and outs of the coverage. But that’s particularly important with short-term plans, as they’re not regulated by federal law (other than the rules that limit their terms to no more than 364 days, and total duration to no more than 36 months including renewals). Some states have extensive rules for short-term plans, so availability varies considerably from one state to another (you can click on a state on this map to see how the state regulates short-term plans).
Travel insurance plans are another option, particularly for people who will be in the U.S. temporarily and who don’t qualify for premium subsidies in the exchange. Just like short-term plans, travel insurance policies are not compliant with the ACA, so they generally won’t cover pre-existing conditions, tend to have gaps in their coverage (since they don’t have to cover all of the essential health benefits) and will come with limits on how much they’ll pay for an enrollee’s medical care. But if the other alternative is to go uninsured, a travel insurance plan is far better than no coverage at all.
How are states making efforts to insure undocumented immigrants?
California wanted to open up its state-run exchange to undocumented immigrants who can pay full price for their coverage. The state already changed the rules to allow for the provision of Medicaid (Medi-Cal) to undocumented immigrant children, starting in 2016 (and expanded this to young adults as of 2020). As a result, about 170,000 children in California gained access to coverage.
And in June 2016, California Governor Jerry Brown signed SB10 into law, setting the stage for the state to eventually allow undocumented immigrants to enroll in coverage (without subsidies) through Covered California, the state-run exchange.
In September 2016, after obtaining public comment on the proposal, Covered California submitted their 1332 Innovation Waiver to CMS, requesting the ability to allow undocumented immigrants to enroll in full-price coverage through Covered California. But in January 2017, just two days before Donald Trump’s inauguration, the state withdrew their waiver proposal, citing concerns that the Trump Administration might use information from Covered California to deport undocumented immigrants.
New York lawmakers considered legislation in 2019 that would have allowed undocumented immigrants to purchase full-price coverage in NY’s state-based exchange, but it did not progress in the legislature. As noted in the text of the legislation, New York would have needed to obtain federal permission to implement this law if the state had enacted it.
Trump administration’s public charge rule and immigrant health insurance rule: Both have been blocked by the courts, but the public charge rule can still be implemented in many states and an appeals court has vacated the injunction that had blocked the immigrant health insurance rule
In August 2019, the Trump administration finalized rule changes for the government’s existing “public charge” policy, after proposing changes nearly a year earlier. And in October 2019, President Trump issued a proclamation to suspend new immigrant visas for people who are unable to prove that they’ll be able to purchase (non-taxpayer funded) health insurance within 30 days of entering the US “unless the alien possesses the financial resources to pay for reasonably foreseeable medical costs.” But both of these rules have since been blocked by federal judges, but subsequent court rulings have relaxed or overturned those earlier actions. The Biden administration is expected to reverse the rule changes in the fairly near future.
The public charge rule was slated to take effect October 15, 2019, but federal judges blocked it on October 11, temporarily delaying implementation. In January 2020, the Supreme Court ruled (in a 5-4 vote) that the public charge rule could take effect while an appeal was pending, and it took effect in February 2020. The Supreme Court declined to temporarily pause the rule amid the COVID pandemic. But U.S. District Judge Gary Feinerman, in Chicago, vacated the rule in its entirety, nationwide, as of November 2020. Just two days later, however, the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals stayed Judge Feinerman’s order, allowing the Trump administration’s version of the public charge rule to continue to be implemented while litigation on this case continues. On December 2, however, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals blocked the rule from being applied in 18 states and DC. So as of December 2020, the public charge rule can be used by immigration officials in some states but not in others.
A 2019 Kaiser Family Foundation analysis of the rule indicated that millions of people might disenroll from Medicaid and CHIP (even though CHIP enrollment is not a negatively weighted factor under the new rule) over concerns about the public charge rule, and that “coverage losses also will likely decrease revenues and increase uncompensated care for providers and have spillover effects within communities.”
In addition to the public charge rule being vacated (albeit very temporarily, as the order was soon stayed and the rule is allowed to continue to be implemented for the time being, although not in the states where the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals has blocked it), the health insurance rules for immigrants were also initially blocked by the courts.
In November 2019, the day before the proclamation regarding health coverage for immigrants was to take effect, a 28-day restraining order was issued by District Judge Michael H. Simon. Judge Simon subsequently issued a preliminary injunction, blocking the rule from taking effect. And an appeals court panel upheld the ruling in May 2020. But in December 2020, a three-judge panel from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit vacated the preliminary injunction, issuing a 2-1 ruling in favor of allowing the Trump administration’s immigrant health insurance requirements to be implemented.
The ruling is not immediately binding, however, and the challengers to the immigrant health insurance rule have 45 days to petition for a rehearing with the full Ninth Circuit. By that point, the Biden administration will be in place, and is expected to reverse the rule, making it unlikely that it will actually be implemented.
Even before they were initially blocked by the courts, the new public charge rule and the new immigrant health insurance requirement did not change anything about eligibility for premium subsidies in the exchange — subsidies continued to be available to legally-present residents who meet the guidelines for subsidy eligibility. But these new rules were designed to make it harder for people to enter the US in the first place, and had the effect of deterring otherwise eligible people from applying for financial assistance with their health coverage, including assistance via Medicaid or CHIP for their US-born children.
Here are more details about both rules:
Public charge rule
The public charge rule was initially delayed for a few months amid legal challenges, but it was implemented in February 2020. It was vacated by a federal judge in November 2020, but that order was soon stayed by the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals, allowing the Trump administration’s version of the public charge rule to continue to be implemented while litigation on the case continues. Soon thereafter, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals blocked the rule from being used by immigration officials in 18 states and DC, but it can still be used in the majority of the states.
And advocates note that the rule, which was proposed in 2018, began to lead to coverage losses immediately, even though it didn’t take effect until 2020. The rule has to numerous immigrants forgoing the benefits for which they and their children are eligible, out of fear of being labeled a public charge. Georgetown University’s Health Policy Institute, Center for Children and Families noted this fall that the public charge rule change was one of the factors linked to the sharp increase in the uninsured rate among children in the U.S.
The longstanding public charge rule states that if the government determines that an immigrant is “likely to become a public charge,” that can be a factor in denying the person legal permanent resident (LPR) status and/or entry into the U.S.
For two decades, the rules have excluded Medicaid (except when used to fund long-term care in an institution) from the services that are considered when determining if a person is likely to become a public charge. The new rule changed that: Medicaid, along with Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), and several low-income housing programs were added to the list of services that would push a person into the “public charge” category. The National Immigration Law Center notes that the public charge assessment does not apply to lawful permanent residents who are renewing their green cards.
Critically, CHIP and ACA premium subsidies are not included among the new additions to the public charge determination, although the final rule does incorporate a “heavily weighted positive factor” that essentially gives the person credit for having private health insurance without using the ACA’s premium subsidies. (In other words, a person’s likelihood of being labeled a public charge will decrease if they have health insurance without premium subsidies, but enrolling in a subsidized plan through the exchange will not count as a negative factor in determining whether the person is likely to become a public charge.)
Very few new immigrants are eligible for Medicaid, due to the five-year waiting period that applies in most cases. But immigrants who have been in the U.S. for more than five years can enroll in Medicaid, and more recent immigrants can enroll their U.S.-born children in Medicaid; these are perfectly legal uses of the Medicaid system. But even before the new rule was scheduled to take effect, it was making immigrants fearful about applying for subsidies, CHIP, or health coverage in general — for themselves as well as for their family members who are U.S. citizens and thus entitled to the same benefits as any other citizen.
Health insurance proclamation for new immigrants
The restraining order for the health insurance proclamation, the subsequent preliminary injunction, and the appeals court panel’s ruling were in response to a lawsuit filed in October 2019, in which plaintiffs argued that the new health insurance rules for immigrants are arbitrary and simply wouldn’t work, given the actual health insurance options available for people who haven’t yet arrived in the US. The court system has, for the time being, blocked the proclamation from taking effect nationwide. And although the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals has vacated the injunction that had been blocking the rule, the Biden administration is expected to overturn the immigrant proclamation soon after taking office.
This Q&A with Immigration attorney William Stock provides some very useful insight into the implications of the health insurance proclamation for new immigrants, if it had been allowed to take effect. The new rules wouldn’t have applied to immigrant visas issued prior to November 3, 2019 (the date the rules were slated to take effect), but people applying to enter the US on an immigrant visa after that date would have had to prove that they have or will imminently obtain health insurance, or that they have the financial means to pay for “reasonably foreseeable medical costs” — which is certainly a very grey area and very much open to interpretation (these rules could take effect at a later date, if and when the proclamation is allowed to take effect).
The rule would not have allowed new immigrants to plan to enroll in a subsidized health insurance plan in the exchange. Premium subsidies would have continued to be available to legally present immigrants, but new immigrants entering the US on an immigrant visa would have had to show that their plan for obtaining health insurance did not involve premium subsidies in the exchange. And applicants cannot enroll in an ACA-compliant plan unless they’re already living in the US, so people trying to move to the US would not have been able to enroll until after they arrive.
There are also concerns about the logistics of getting a plan in place if a person wanted to sign up for a full-price ACA-compliant plan: Gaining lawfully-present immigration status is a qualifying event that allows a person to enroll in a plan through the exchange (but not outside the exchange), but the special enrollment period is not available in advance; it starts when the person gains their immigration status. At that point, the person has 60 days to enroll. If they sign up by the 15th of the month, coverage starts the following month. But if they sign up after the 15th of the month, coverage starts the first of the second following month, which might be more than 30 days after the person arrives in the country. In short, the requirements of the proclamation don’t necessarily match up with the logistics of how enrollment works in the ACA-compliant market.
Under the terms of the proclamation, short-term health insurance plans would have been considered an acceptable alternative for new immigrants. But short-term plans often have a requirement that non-US-citizens have resided in the US for a certain amount of time prior to enrolling, which would make them unavailable for people living outside the US who are applying for an immigrant visa. A travel/expat policy (which has a limited duration, just like short-term coverage) would be available in these scenarios, however, and can be readily obtained by healthy people who are going to be living or traveling outside of their country of citizenship.
Under a Democratic administration, would health insurance assistance for immigrants expand?
The Medicare for All bills introduced by Senator Bernie Sanders and by Representative Pramila Jayapal would expand coverage to virtually everyone in the U.S., including undocumented immigrants. Some leading Democrats prefer a more measured approach, similar to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 healthcare reform proposal, which included a provision similar to California’s subsequently withdrawn 1332 waiver proposal. (It would have allowed undocumented immigrants to buy coverage in the exchanges, although without subsidies.) Joe Biden’s health care plan includes a similar proposal, which would allow undocumented immigrants to buy into a new public option program, albeit without any government subsidies.
But over the first seven years of exchange operation, roughly 85 percent of exchange enrollees have been eligible for subsidies, and only 15 percent have paid full price for their coverage. So although public option plans are expected to be a little less expensive than private plans, it’s unclear how many undocumented immigrants would or could actually enroll in public option without financial assistance.
Harold Pollack has noted that our current policy of entirely excluding undocumented immigrants from the exchanges is “morally unacceptable.” As Pollack explains, Clinton’s plan (and now Biden’s plan) to extend coverage to undocumented immigrants by allowing them to buy unsubsidized coverage in the exchange is a good first step, but it must be followed with comprehensive immigration reform to “bring de facto Americans out of the shadows into full citizenship.”
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
The post How immigrants can obtain health coverage appeared first on healthinsurance.org.
CO-OP health plans: patients’ interests first
Key takeaways
Only three CO-OPs are operational as of 2021, but one has expanded into a new state
When the first ACA open enrollment period got underway in the fall of 2013, there were 23 Consumer Operated and Oriented Plans (CO-OPs). But within a few years, just four CO-OPs were still operational, offering health insurance plans in five states. That was the case from 2018 through 2020, but one of the four remaining CO-OPs, — New Mexico Health Connections — closed at the end of 2020, leaving only three CO-OPs operational as of 2021. However, Mountain Health CO-OP expanded into Wyoming for 2021, and is now offering coverage in three states. Here’s how the CO-OP landscape looks for 2021 coverage:
For 2021 individual market plans, the CO-OPs mostly decreased premiums or increased them only slightly:
New Mexico Health Connections had proposed an average rate increase of nearly 32 percent for 2021, but subsequently announced that all plans would terminate at the end of 2020 and enrollees would need to select coverage from another insurer for 2021.
How many people are enrolled in CO-OP plans?
In 2019/2020, there were only a little more than 135,000 people enrolled in four CO-OPs. That’s down from more than a million enrollees in 2015, when the CO-OPs were at their peak and most were still operational.
What are CO-OPs and how are they different?
CO-OPs were created under a provision of the Affordable Care Act (aka Obamacare). The idea for CO-OPs was proposed by Senator Kent Conrad (D-ND) when the original public plan option was jettisoned during the health care reform debate. Lawmakers added the CO-OP provision to the Affordable Care Act to placate Democrats who had pushed for a government-run, Medicare-for-all type of health insurance program.
At the time, progressives who preferred a public option derided CO-OPs as a poor alternative because they can’t utilize the efficiencies of scale that would come with Medicare For All, nor do they have the market clout that a single payer system would have when negotiating reimbursement rates with providers.
But supporters noted that because CO-OPs are neither government agencies nor commercial insurers, they could put patients first, without having to focus on investors or Congressional politics.
Instead of paying shareholders, CO-OP profits are reinvested in the plan to lower premiums or improve benefits (since most of the CO-OPs were not financially sustainable and ended up closing, profits have been few and far between). And customers’ health insurance needs and concerns become a top priority because the CO-OP’s customers/members elect their own board of directors. And a majority of these directors must themselves be members of the CO-OP.
CO-OPs are private, nonprofit, state-licensed health insurance carriers. Their plans can be sold both inside and outside the health insurance exchanges, depending on the state, and can offer individual, small group, and large group plans. But they’re limited to having no more than a third of their policies in the large group market (a more lucrative market than individual or small group). Most of the CO-OPs’ membership has been concentrated in the individual market. New Mexico Health Connections was an exception, as they had more enrollees in their employer-sponsored plans (including large group plans) than in their individual market plans. But New Mexico Health Connections sold their employer-sponsored plans to a new for-profit entity in 2018, leaving the CO-OP with just the individual market segment. And New Mexico Health Connections will close altogether at the end of 2020; its 14,000 individual market enrollees will need to select plans from other insurers for 2021.
Lawmakers had originally planned to provide $10 billion in grants to get the CO-OPs up and running in every state. But insurance industry lobbyists and fiscal conservatives in Congress succeeded in reducing the total to $6 billion, and turning it into loans — with relatively short repayment schedules — instead of grants (and CO-OPs were not permitted to use federal loan money for marketing purposes). Then, during budget negotiations in 2011, those loans were cut by another $2.2 billion. And in 2012, during the fiscal cliff negotiations, CO-OP funding was reduced even further — and applications from 40 prospective CO-OPs were rejected
Ultimately, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid (CMS) awarded about $2.4 billion in loans to 23 CO-OPs across the country (there were 24 CO-OPs, but Vermont Health CO-OP never became operational. CMS retracted their loan in September 2013 — before the exchanges opened for the first open enrollment — because there were doubts that the program could be viable with Vermont’s impending switch to single-payer healthcare in 2017; ironically, Vermont pulled the plug on their single-payer vision in late 2014).
The CO-OP failures have been due in large part to a combination of premiums that were too low, benefits that were too generous, enrollees who were sicker than anticipated, competition from bigger carriers with larger reserves, the risk corridor shortfall that was announced in the fall of 2015, and the risk adjustment payment announcements that were made in June 2016 (see below for a timeline of the closures).
The Trump Administration’s approach to health care reform — including the expansion of short-term plans and association health plans — and GOP lawmakers’ efforts to repeal the ACA (including their success in repealing the individual mandate penalty after the end of 2018), have further increased uncertainty for insurers, making the situation even more precarious for small insurers like the remaining CO-OPs.
But despite those issues, the four remaining CO-OPs continue to operate successfully. So although the individual market is still a challenging environment, the remaining CO-OPs do seem to have carved a sustainable niche.
Focus on cost savings and reinvested profits
How do CO-OPs increase cost efficiencies?
Where are CO-OPs still selling plans in 2021?
There are three CO-OPs that are offering plans in five states in 2021. Although the vast majority of the original CO-OPs have failed, these three have shown signs of overall stability, including rate decreases for some plans in 2019, 2020, and/or 2021.
MAINE:
Community Health Options (CHO) This was originally called Maine Community Health Options, but the name was changed to reflect the carrier’s expansion outside of Maine. 44,000 people enrolled in coverage through the exchange in 2014, and 83 percent of them selected Community Health Options, making the CO-OP’s first year an amazing success.
CHO expanded into New Hampshire for 2015, fueled by their initial success in 2014 and by a new loan from CMS. During the second open enrollment period, CHO once again dominated the Maine market, securing about 80 percent of the exchange market share. They also enrolled about 5,000 people in New Hampshire. However, CHO reported significant losses in the third quarter of 2015, and decided to limit enrollment in individual plans for 2016. Enrollment directly through Community Health Options ceased December 15, 2015; enrollment in Community Health Options plans through Healthcare.gov ceased December 26.
CHO ended 2015 with $74 million in losses — a far cry from the profitable year they had in 2014. In early 2016, Maine’s Insurance Superintendent proposed putting the CO-OP in receivership and canceling a portion of its plans (about 20,000 members would have been transitioned to other coverage). But CMS didn’t allow that, saying that the plan cancellations would run afoul of the ACA’s guaranteed-renewable provision. Instead, the CO-OP is under increased oversight from the Maine Bureau of Insurance, which puts out monthly reports that detail how the CO-OP is faring relative to its business plan.
CHO is the only remaining CO-OP that received money—as opposed to having to pay out money—under the risk adjustment program for 2015 and again for 2016. For 2017, Community Health Options had an average rate increase of 25.5 percent in Maine, where the bulk of their members lived. They exited New Hampshire entirely at the end of 2016, and reverted to operating solely in Maine, as they did in 2014. They implemented an average rate increase of 15.8 percent for 2018 in the individual market. For 2019, and again for 2020, however, CHO increased average premiums by less than 1 percent each year.
CHO’s total membership was 67,539 at the end of 2016, and had dropped to 44,015 by the first quarter of 2017 (all in Maine, since they’re no longer offering plans in New Hampshire). By September 2018, the CO-OP’s membership stood at 51,583, but it had dropped again, to 37,135, by late 2019 (about three-quarters were in the individual market, the rest were in the group market — mostly small group, but some large group as well).
MONTANA and IDAHO and WYOMING:
Mountain Health Cooperative Montana Health CO-OP started in Montana, and expanded to Idaho in 2015. Then-CEO Jerry Dworak noted in 2015 that the CO-OP didn’t expand too quickly, and maintained substantial reserves; they were not relying as heavily as other CO-OPs on risk corridor payments to shore up their financial position.
Average rates for Mountain Health CO-OP in Idaho increased by 26 percent for 2016. For 2017, Mountain Health CO-OP’s average rate increase was 29 percent in Idaho, and 31 percent in Montana. As of December 22, 2016, the CO-OP ceased enrollments in Montana due to the “large number of new members for 2017.” The enrollment freeze was lifted in July 2017 for off-exchange enrollments; on-exchange enrollments in Montana were expected to become available in the summer of 2017 as well. In both cases, this was ahead of schedule, as the CO-OP had originally expected the lift the enrollment freeze as of November 1, at the start of open enrollment.
In another indication of the CO-OP’s increasing viability, their average proposed rate increase for 2018 was only 4 percent in Montana. This demonstrates that the 31 percent average rate increase for 2017 may have been enough to stabilize the CO-OP and “right-size” the premiums. Ultimately, the average rate increase for 2018 ended up being considerably higher, at 16.6 percent, due to the Trump Administration’s decision to eliminate federal funding for cost-sharing reductions (CSR).
For 2019, the CO-OP implemented an average rate increase of 10.3 percent in Montana and 7 percent in Idaho. And for 2020, their average rates decreased by nearly 12 percent in Montana, and increased by 6 percent in Idaho. And rates in both years would have been lower if not for the Trump Administration’s decisions to expand access to short-term plans and association health plans, and the GOP tax bill provision that eliminated the individual mandate penalty after the end of 2018 (all of these changes ultimately reduce the number of healthy people who purchase coverage in the ACA-compliant market).
The CO-OP’s board of directors announced in June 2018 that Richard Miltenberger would serve as the new CEO of Mountain Health CO-OP. In 2018, the CO-OP had about 25,000 members in Montana, and 24,000 in Idaho. In Montana, the CO-OP had more individual market enrollees than either of the other two insurers that offer plans in the state.
For 2021, the CO-OP raised rates only slightly in both Montana and Idaho, and has also expanded into neighboring Wyoming, which has only had one individual market insurer since 2016.
WISCONSIN:
Common Ground Healthcare Cooperative — The CO-OP offers coverage in 20 eastern Wisconsin counties.
After losing money from 2014 through 2017, Common Ground Healthcare posted a positive net income of $2.7 million in the first quarter of 2017.
For 2018, Common Ground’s average rate increase was 63 percent. But it would only have been about 20 percent if the Trump Administration hadn’t eliminated federal funding for cost-sharing reductions. The rate increase for 2018 applied to about 29,000 members who had coverage in the individual market.
But for 2019, the CO-OP’s average premiums decreased by almost 19 percent. For 2020, they decreased again, by about 9 percent, and for 2021, they decreased again, by more than 6 percent. This series of rate decreases indicates a much more stable environment than they were facing for 2018.
2015 risk adjustment: 9 of 10 CO-OPs owed payments
Under the ACA’s risk adjustment program, health insurers with lower-risk enrollees end up paying money to health insurers with higher-risk enrollees. The idea is to prevent insurers from designing plans that appeal only to healthy enrollees, and to ensure that premiums reflect benefit levels, rather than the overall health of a plan’s enrollees. But CO-OPs found themselves disproportionately having to pay into the risk adjustment program, which hampered their financial progress and resulted in several having to close their doors.
On June 30, 2016, HHS released data on risk adjustment numbers for 2015. Of the 10 CO-OPs that were still operational at that point, nine had to pay into the risk adjustment program for 2015; only one remaining CO-OP – Community Health Options (operating in Maine and New Hampshire at that point) – received a risk adjustment payment. Community Health Options received about $710,000 in risk adjustment funds.
Some of the remaining CO-OPs had begun to be profitable in early 2016 (details below), but their financial situations now had to be considered in conjunction with the fact that the CO-OPs had to pay out the following amounts in risk adjustment payments, making their financial futures even more uncertain (of the nine CO-OPs that owed money in 2016 for the risk adjustment program, six have closed or are facing impending closure; only the CO-OPs listed in bold continue to be fully operational)
HHS implemented changes to the risk adjustment program for 2018, to make it more equitable and less burdensome for new, smaller carriers. But risk adjustment has remained a contentious issue. New Mexico Health Connections sued the federal government over the risk adjustment formula, arguing that it disadvantaged smaller, newer insurers (like the CO-OP) and favored larger, more established insurers. A judge agreed with the CO-OP, and ruled that the federal government needed to justify its risk adjustment formula for 2014-2018.
The Trump Administration responded by announcing in July 2018 that all risk adjustment payments and collections, nationwide, would cease for the time being, which caused widespread uncertainty and concern among health insurers and state regulators. But in late July, CMS announced that they would resume payments under the risk adjustment program, and insurers due to receive a total of $5.2 billion in risk adjustment payments for 2017 will receive that money in the timely fashion in the fall of 2018.
2016 risk adjustment: 4 out of 5 remaining CO-OPs once again owed money
On June 30, 2017, HHS published the risk adjustment report for 2016. Maine Community Health Options was once again the only remaining CO-OP to receive funding under the risk adjustment program; they got $9.1 million.
The report also detailed the amount that insurers owe or would receive for 2016 under the ACA’s temporary reinsurance program (2016 was the last year for the reinsurance program). All five of the remaining CO-OPs received money from the 2016 reinsurance program, but in most cases, it was not as much as they had to pay out under the risk adjustment program.
Maine Community Health Options — the only remaining CO-OP receiving funding under the risk adjustment program for 2016 — also received $21 million under the 2016 reinsurance program, which was far more than any of the other CO-OPs received.
Minuteman, which closed at the end of 2017, had to pay $25.4 million in risk adjustment for 2016 (but received $3 million in reinsurance). Notably, they owed far more in 2016 risk adjustment than any of the other remaining CO-OPs. They explained in June 2017, in conjunction with their announcement that they would no longer be a CO-OP after 2017 (at that point, they hoped to re-open as a for-profit insurer, but that plan was scrapped when they were unable to raise enough capital to secure a license for 2018), that the amount they had been forced to pay into the risk adjustment program amounted to about a third of the premiums they had collected.
2017 risk adjustment
On July 9, 2018, CMS published the risk adjustment report for 2017, showing which insurers owed money into the program, and which would receive money. Ironically, this came just three days after CMS had announced that they would freeze risk adjustment transfers as a result of the New Mexico court ruling regarding the risk adjustment methodology. But by the end of July, the risk adjustment program had been restarted (with additional justification for the methodology, the comply with the judge’s request), and payments to insurers were expected to be made on schedule, in the fall of 2018.
But once again, CHO was the only CO-OP that will receive funds under the risk adjustment program for 2017. The other three remaining CO-OPs all owed money:
2016: New HHS regulations to stabilize CO-OPs, but ultimately too little too late for most CO-OPs
In May 2016, after extensive input from stakeholders, HHS issued new regulations in an effort to help the remaining CO-OPs become financially viable. Due to the urgency of the situation, the regulations took effect almost immediately, on May 11. The new regulations made a variety of changes to make it easier for CO-OPs to seek outside investments and expand their coverage offerings beyond the individual and small group markets:
Membership surpassed a million enrollees by 2015, but has declined sharply with CO-OP closures
During the 2014 open enrollment period, just over 400,000 people enrolled in CO-OPs nationwide. That climbed to over a million by the end of the 2015 open enrollment period – despite the fact that CoOpportunity (Iowa and Nebraska) stopped selling policies in December 2014, and their once-robust enrollment (120,000 members) had dropped to about 2,000 people by mid-February 2015. While enrollment in private plans through the exchanges increased by 46 percent in 2015 (from 8 million people in the first open enrollment period, to 11.7 million in the second open enrollment period), enrollment in CO-OPs increased by 150 percent.
At the end of 2015, however, more than 500,000 of those enrollees had to switch to a different plan, as 11 of the 22 remaining CO-OPs closed at the end of 2015 (in large part due to the fact that insurers did not receive most of the risk corridor money they were owed for 2014). In May 2016, Ohio regulators announced that InHealth Mutual would be liquidated, leaving just ten remaining CO-OPs nationwide. And only three of them were not subject to enhanced federal oversight as of 2016: New Mexico Health Connections, Mountain Health Cooperative (Montana and Idaho), and Minuteman Health, Inc (Massachusetts and New Hampshire). The other eight CO-OPs still in operation at that point were all under “corrective action plans” from the federal government.
Seven of the eleven CO-OPs that were still operational at the end of 2015 had at least 25,000 enrollees as of mid-2015, which was the minimum number that CMS said was necessary for financial solvency. The other four had not yet achieved that benchmark by early 2016, and two of them—in Oregon and Ohio—were among the four CO-OPs that had failed by July 2016. Of the remaining six CO-OPs, five had membership in excess of 25,000 people as of mid-2015.
CMS recognized that, in a competitive marketplace, CO-OPs would face challenges. The agency acknowledged that more than one-third of the CO-OPs would likely fail in the first 15 years. CMS projected a 40 percent default rate for the planning loans and a 35 percent default rate for the solvency loans. But with only four of 23 CO-OPs still in business as of 2018, the failure rate is 83 percent, after four and a half years of operations.
The remaining CO-OPs had roughly the following enrollment totals as of 2019, including individual and group plans:
How many CO-OPs have failed?
Since 2013, 20 of the original 23 CO-OPs have closed.
:
A timeline of the CO-OP closures
In July 2015, Louisiana Health Cooperative announced that it would cease operations as of the end of 2015. LHC was the second CO-OP to fail; CoOpportunity, which served Nebraska and Iowa, received liquidation orders from state regulators in February 2015.
At the end of August, the Nevada Health CO-OP announced they would also close at the end of 2015. And in September, New York officials announced that Health Republic of New York, the nation’s largest CO-OP, would begin winding down operations immediately, and that individual Health Republic of NY policies would terminate at the end of 2015.
On October 1, 2015 the federal government notified health insurance carriers across the country that risk corridors payments from 2014 would only amount to 12.6 percent of the total owed to the carriers. The program is budget neutral as a result of the 2015 benefit and payment parameters released by HHS in March 2014. And the “Cromnibus bill” that was passed at the end of 2014 eliminated the possibility of the risk corridors program being anything but budget neutral, despite the fact that HHS had said they would adjust the program as necessary going forward.
But very few carriers had lower-than-expected claims in 2014. So the payments into the risk corridors program were far less than the amount owed to carriers – and the result is that the carriers essentially get an IOU for a total of $2.5 billion that may or may not be recouped with 2015 and 2016 risk corridors funding (risk corridors still have to be budget neutral in 2015 and 2016, so if there’s a shortfall again, carriers would fall even further into the red).
Many health insurance carriers – particularly smaller, newer companies – faced financial difficulties as a result of the risk corridors shortfall. CO-OPs were particularly vulnerable because they were all start-ups and tended to be relatively small. All of the CO-OPs that announced closures in the last quarter of 2015 attributed their failure to the risk corridor payment shortfall.
On October 9, Kentucky Health CO-OP announced that their risk corridors shortfall was simply too significant to overcome. (The CO-OP was supposed to receive $77 million, but was only going to get $9.7 million as a result of the shortfall.) The CO-OP did not offer plans for 2016, and their 2015 policies terminated at the end of the year. About 51,000 CO-OP members in Kentucky had to shop for new coverage for 2016.
And then on October 14, Tennessee regulators announced that Community Health Alliance would also close at the end of the year. CHA stopped enrolling new members in January 2015, but it had planned to sell policies during the 2016 open enrollment period, albeit with a 44.7 percent rate increase. Ultimately, the risk of the CO-OP’s failure in 2016 was too great, and it wound down operations by the end of the year instead.
Two days later, on October 16, Colorado Health OP was decertified from the exchange by the Colorado Division of Insurance, resulting in the CO-OP’s demise; Colorado Health OP’s 80,000 individual members all needed to transition to new carriers for 2016.
Almost immediately after that, Oregon’s Health Republic Insurance, also a CO-OP, announced that it would not offer 2016 plans, and would wind down its operations by the end of 2015. Health Republic had 15,000 members.
On October 22, The South Carolina Department of Insurance announced that Consumers Choice would voluntarily wind down its operations by year-end, and would not sell plans for 2016. Consumers Choice was run by the same CEO – Jerry Burgess – as Community Health Alliance in Tennessee. 67,000 Consumers Choice members had to switch to a new carrier for 2016. The South Carolina Department of Insurance put together a series of FAQs for impacted plan members.
On October 27, the Utah Insurance Department announced that they were placing Arches Health Plan in receivership, and the carrier would wind down operations by the end of the year. Arches Health Plan garnered roughly a quarter of Utah’s exchange market share in 2015, but those enrollees had to switch to a new carrier for 2016.
On October 30, just two days before the start of the 2016 open enrollment period, the Arizona Department of Insurance announced that Meritus would cease selling and renewing coverage, and existing plans would terminate at the end of 2015. Healthcare.gov removed Meritus plans from the exchange website, and current enrollees — who comprised roughly a third of the private plan enrollees in the Arizona exchange at that point — had to obtain new coverage for 2016. Meritus was unique in that they allowed people to enroll off-exchange year-round up until late-summer 2015. They were also among very few CO-OPs that had requested a rate increase of less than ten percent for 2016.
Open enrollment for 2016 coverage began on November 1, 2015, and coverage was still available at that point from the remaining 12 CO-OPs. But on November 2, it became clear that Consumers Mutual of Michigan was in financial trouble. The carrier announced that they would not offer plans in the exchange in 2016, although at that point, there was still a possibility that they would continue to offer plans outside the exchange. But on November 4, they announced that they would wind down their operations by the end of the year, and all 28,000 members would need to find new coverage for 2016.
In May 2016, state regulators in Ohio announced that InHealth Mutual would shut down and that members would have a 60 day special enrollment period to select a new plan.
In July 2016, state regulators in Connecticut announced that HealthyCT would shut down at the end of 2016 (employer groups were able to keep their coverage through the renewal date in 2017, as long as the plan’s renewal date in 2016 was July or earlier).
In July 2016, state regulators in Oregon announced that Oregon Health CO-OP would shut down at the end of July 2016.
In July 2016, state regulators in Illinois announced that they were beginning the process of taking over Land of Lincoln Health and winding down the CO-OP’s operations. A special enrollment period was created for the CO-OP’s 49,000 enrollees.
In September 2016, state regulators in New Jersey placed Health Republic Insurance of New Jersey into rehabilitation, and the CO-OP ceased selling new plans. Health Republic’s existing plans terminated at the end of 2016.
In June 2017, Minuteman Health announced that they would no longer offer coverage as a CO-OP after the end of 2017. At that point, they intended to transition to a for-profit insurance company (Minuteman Insurance Company). However, they were unable to raise enough capital by the August 2017 deadline for securing a license for 2018, and thus did not re-open as a for-profit insurer. Minuteman Health is in receivership, and enrollees needed to obtain new coverage for 2018.
In July 2017, Maryland regulators issued an administrative order blocking Evergreen Health from selling or renewing any plans (they only had group plans in force at that point, having terminated individual market plans at the end of 2016). The order noted that it was expected that the process would culminate in receivership, and the receivership announcement came by the end of July.
The four CO-OPs that were still operational as of 2018 were all still operational in 2020. But New Mexico Health Connections closed at the end of 2020, leaving just three CO-OPs still operational in five states as of 2021.
CO-OPs’ unique challenges
In July 2015, HHS released financial and enrollment data for the 23 CO-OPs, as of December 2014. The outlook based on the report was not particularly great: all but one of the CO-OPs operated at a loss in 2014, and 13 of the CO-OPs fell far short of their enrollment goals for 2014. The audit called into question the CO-OPs’ ability to repay the loans that they received from the federal government under Obamacare.
The risk corridor shortfall was directly implicated in the failure of CO-OPs in Kentucky, Tennessee, Colorado, Oregon, South Carolina, Utah, Arizona, and Michigan. There is no way around the fact that such a significant financial blow is hard to overcome, particularly for carriers that were new to the market in 2014. Eight CO-OPs failed in the weeks following the risk corridor shortfall announcement.
Those eight CO-OPs were in serious financial jeopardy as a result of the risk corridor shortfall and other factors, and state Insurance Commissioners made the difficult decision to shut them down prior to the start of open enrollment, or shortly thereafter. It’s much less complicated to wind down operations in an orderly fashion in the last couple months of a year than it is to have a carrier become financially insolvent mid-year.
That, coupled with the late announcement regarding the risk corridors shortfall, explains the rash of CO-OP failures announced in late 2015. It should be noted that it was not just CO-OPs feeling the pain from the risk corridor shortfall; in Wisconsin, Anthem exited the exchange market in three counties and scaled back operations in 34 other counties for 2016, partially as a result of the risk corridor shortfall. And in Wyoming, WINhealth exited the individual market because of the risk corridor shortfall; in Alaska and Oregon, Moda nearly exited the market for 2016, due in large part to the risk corridor shortfall (Moda ultimately left Alaska’s market at the end of 2016, in order to focus fully on the Oregon market).
But with 12 out of 23 CO-OPs going under in 2015, it wasn’t surprising that the mood in late 2015 was relatively pessimistic regarding the CO-OP model. In his press release about the demise of Arches Health Plan, Utah Insurance Commissioner Todd E. Kiser noted that “It is regrettable that the co-op model has not worked across the country.” That didn’t bode well for the remaining 11 CO-OPs, and ultimately only four of them are still operational in 2018.
All 11 of the remaining CO-OPs suffered losses in 2015, amounting to a total of about $400 million (Evergreen lost the least, at $10.8 million; Land of Lincoln lost the most, at $90.8 million). The bulk of the losses were in the fourth quarter, indicating that consumers try to get as much value as possible from their coverage before the end of the plan year.
The fact that lawmakers decided at the end of 2014 to retroactively require the risk corridors program to be budget-neutral was a significant blow to the CO-OPs. The CO-OPs – along with the rest of the carriers – had set their premiums for 2014 (and by that time, for 2015 as well) with the expectation that risk corridors payments would mitigate losses if they experienced higher-than-expected claims.
Clearly, that did not pan out, and it certainly put the CO-OPs in a tough spot. To clarify, HHS said in 2013 that the risk corridor program would NOT be budget-neutral, and that federal funds would be used to make up any shortfalls; carriers set their rates for 2014 based on that.
But then in 2014, HHS announced in 2014 that they had made several adjustments to the risk corridor program, and that they projected “that these changes, in combination with the changes to the reinsurance program finalized in this rule, will result in net payments that are budget neutral in 2014. We intend to implement this program in a budget neutral manner, and may make future adjustments, either upward or downward to this program (for example, as discussed below, we may modify the ceiling on allowable administrative costs) to the extent necessary to achieve this goal.” But this was after rates for 2014 were long-since locked in, and enrollment nearly complete. At the end of 2014, congress passed the Cromnibus Bill, requiring risk corridors to be budget neutral, with no wiggle room for HHS.
We do have to keep in mind, however, that CMS knew from the get-go that some CO-OPs would fail. They expected at least a third of them to fail in the first 15 years, and that was long before the risk corridors program was retroactively changed to be budget neutral.
Will the few remaining CO-OPs survive?
It’s too soon to tell. In many states, the CO-OPs started out in a David and Goliath situation, competing with carriers that had dominated the health insurance landscape for years. Premiums that carriers — including CO-OPs — set for 2014 and 2015 were little more than educated guesses from actuaries, since there was very little in the way of actual claims data on which to rely (there was no data at all when the 2014 rates were being set, and only a couple months of early data available when 2015 rates were being set). Once the CO-OPs had more than a year of claims history in the books, they were able to be more accurate in pricing their policies.
But the uncertainty that the Trump administration and GOP lawmakers created for the insurance markets resulted in spiking premiums for 2017 and 2018 (not just for CO-OPs, but for the majority of insurers in most states). That uncertainty continued in 2019, with the Trump administration finalizing rules to expand access to short-term plans and association health plans, and GOP lawmakers’ tax bill that repealed the individual mandate penalty after the end of 2018. But despite all of that, the remaining CO-OPs have had fairly stable pricing in recent years, with several rate decreases in 2019 and 2020, and some modest increases.
CO-OP supporters had hoped that the new carriers would disrupt existing markets, driving down premiums and shaking up the market share among commercial insurers. Although most of the CO-OPs struggled financially, average premiums market-wide were lower in both 2014 and 2015 in states that had CO-OPs than in states without CO-OPs. A GAO report found that average CO-OP premiums in 2014 and 2015 in most states tended to be lower than the average premiums across all carriers in those states. And enrollment in CO-OPs increased at a much faster pace than overall enrollment growth (across all carriers) from 2014 to 2015.
CMS acknowledged from the start that not all of the CO-OPs would be likely to succeed — just as a crop of new for-profit health insurance carriers wouldn’t all be expected to succeed. The three remaining CO-OPs are all in their eighth year of providing coverage as of 2021, demonstrating their staying power. And one of those three expanded into a new state for 2021, which is certainly a sign of insurer stability. And the other two decreased their premiums for 2021, which is generally another sign of stability.
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
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Miss open enrollment? You’ve got options.
Key takeaways
In the individual/family health insurance market (ie, coverage that people buy for themselves, as opposed to getting from an employer), open enrollment for 2021 coverage ended on December 15 in most states. But there are some states with extended enrollment deadlines, several of which are ongoing as of January 2021. And Maryland has opened a COVID-related special enrollment period for uninsured residents, which continues through March 15, 2021.
Millions of Americans purchased ACA-compliant plans through the exchanges — and outside the exchanges — during open enrollment. But there are still millions of Americans who don’t have coverage as of early 2021 (the uninsured rate has been increasing since 2017, due to the Trump administration’s approach to health care reform).
If you didn’t sign up for health insurance during open enrollment, you may have to wait until November 2021 to sign up for a plan that will take effect in 2022. But you may find that you can still get coverage for 2021, even if open enrollment has ended in your state. Let’s take a look.
Native Americans, those eligible for Medicaid/CHIP can enroll year-round
Native Americans can enroll in exchange plans year-round.
And people who qualify for Medicaid or CHIP can also enroll at any time. Income limits are fairly high for CHIP eligibility, so be sure you check your state’s eligibility limits before assuming that your kids wouldn’t be eligible – benefits very much extend to middle-class households.
And in states where Medicaid has been expanded, a single individual earning up to $17,608 can enroll in Medicaid. (This amount will be higher after the FPL numbers for 2021 become available). Most states have expanded Medicaid, and Oklahoma and Missouri will join them in mid-2021. But there are still 14 states (dropping to 12 once Medicaid expansion takes effect in Oklahoma and Missouri) where there is a Medicaid coverage gap and assistance is not available for most adults with income below the poverty level.
Similarly, if you’re on Medicaid and your income increases to a level that makes you ineligible for Medicaid, you’ll have an opportunity to switch to a private plan at that point, with the loss of your Medicaid plan serving as the qualifying event that triggers a special enrollment period.
A qualifying event at any time of the year will likely to allow you to enroll
Applicants who experience a qualifying event gain access to a special enrollment period (SEP) to shop for plans in the exchange (or off-exchange, in most cases) with premium subsidies available in the exchange for eligible enrollees.
HHS stepped up enforcement of special enrollment period eligibility verification in 2016, and further increased the eligibility verification process in 2017. So if you experience a qualifying event, be prepared to provide proof of it when you enroll.
And in most cases, the current rules limit SEP plan changes to plans at the same metal level the person already has. The state-run exchanges (ie, the ones that don’t use HealthCare.gov) can use their own discretion on this, but in general, if you’re enrolling mid-year, be prepared to provide proof of the qualifying event that triggered your special enrollment period, and know that you might not be able to switch to a more robust or less robust plan (eg, from bronze to gold or vice versa) during your SEP. And understand that in most — but not all — cases, the current SEP rules allow you to change your coverage but not necessarily go from being uninsured to insured. So you may be asked to provide proof of your prior coverage in addition to proof of the qualifying event.
For example, although a permanent move to an area where different health plans are available used to trigger a SEP regardless of whether you had coverage before the move, that’s no longer the case. You must have coverage in force before your move in order to qualify for a SEP in your new location. The same is true of getting married: In most cases, at least one spouse must have already had coverage in order for the marriage to trigger a SEP.
And without a qualifying event, major medical health insurance is not available outside of general open enrollment, on or off-exchange. This is very different from the pre-2014 individual health insurance market, where people could apply for coverage at any time. But of course, approval used to be contingent on health status, which is no longer the case.
If you’re curious about your eligibility for a special enrollment period, call (800) 436-1566 to discuss your situation with a licensed insurance professional.
The closest thing to ‘real’ insurance if you missed open enrollment
For people who didn’t enroll in coverage during open enrollment, aren’t eligible for employer-sponsored coverage or Medicaid/CHIP, and aren’t expecting a qualifying event later in the year, the options for 2021 coverage are limited to policies that are not regulated by the ACA and are thus not considered minimum essential coverage.
And most of these plans are designed to be supplemental coverage, rather than a person’s only health coverage. This includes things like limited-benefit plans, accident supplements, critical/specific-illness policies, dental/vision plans, and medical discount plans.
But there are a few types of coverage that are available year-round (generally only to fairly healthy individuals), and that can serve as stand-alone coverage in a pinch:
Farm Bureau plans in a few states
In Kansas, Tennessee, Indiana, and Iowa, members of Farm Bureau who are healthy enough to get through medical underwriting can enroll in Farm Bureau plans that are technically not considered insurance — and thus don’t have to comply with insurance regulations — but that are available for purchase year-round.
Farm Bureau plans are also available in Nebraska, without medical underwriting, for people who are actively engaged in agriculture, but these plans use the same November 1 – December 15 open enrollment period that applies to ACA-compliant plans in Nebraska.
Health care sharing ministry plans
There are also health care sharing ministry plans available nearly everywhere, and although they are not compliant with insurance laws, they are better than nothing and are available year-round to people who meet their eligibility criteria.
Short-term health plans
For most of 2017 and 2018, short-term plans were capped at three months in duration, due to an Obama administration regulation. But HHS finalized new rules that drastically expanded the allowable duration of short-term plans as of October 2018.
The Obama-Administration HHS implemented the regulation to cap short-term plans at three months in an effort aimed at “curbing abuse” of short-term plans. At that point, under HHS Secretary Sylvia Matthews-Burwell, HHS noted that short-term plans are exempt from having to comply with ACA regulations specifically because they’re supposed to only be used to fill gaps in coverage — but instead, people had been using them for up to a year at a time, effectively removing healthy people from the ACA-compliant risk pool and destabilizing it over the long-run.
In 2017, several GOP Senators asked HHS to reverse this regulation and go back to allowing short-term plans to be issued for durations up to 364 days. And the Trump administration confirmed their commitment to rolling back the limitations on short-term plans in an October 2017 executive order. The new rules took effect in October 2018, implementing the following provisions:
But states can still impose stricter rules, and over half the states do so. Some are long-standing rules, while others are newly-adopted rules that states have implemented in an effort to prevent the Trump administration rules from destabilizing their individual insurance markets and pushing healthy people into less comprehensive coverage.
Although premium subsidies (a type of tax credit) are not available for short-term plans, the retail prices on these policies are more affordable than the retail price (ie, unsubsidized) on ACA-compliant plans, and they do still serve as a good stop-gap if you just need the policy to cover you for a few months when you’re in between other policies. However, if your income makes you eligible for the Obamacare premium subsidies, it’s essential that you enroll through your state’s exchange during open enrollment (or a special enrollment period triggered by a qualifying event like losing access to your employer-sponsored health insurance); otherwise, you’re missing out on comprehensive health insurance and a tax credit.
Some short-term plans have provider networks, but others allow you to use any provider you choose (keep in mind, however, that you’ll likely be subject to balance billing if your plan doesn’t have a provider network, since the providers will not be bound by any contract with your insurer regarding the pricing for their services).
And short-term policies are not required to be renewable; the new federal rule allows insurers to offer renewable short-term plans, but does not require them to do so. Depending on your state’s regulations and your insurer’s business plan, you may be able to renew your short-term plans, or you may be able to purchase a new short-term policy when your existing one expires. But if you’re buying a new policy, the purchase will require new underwriting, and in most cases, the new policy will not cover pre-existing conditions, including any that began while you were covered under the first short-term policy.
Unlike ACA-compliant plans, short-term policies have benefit maximums. But the limits on some short-term plans tend to be more reasonable than the infamous pre-ACA “mini-med” plans that barely covered a few nights in the hospital. Lifetime maximums of $750,000 to $2 million are common on short-term plans. While this is not as good as regular individual insurance plans that no longer have annual or lifetime benefit caps, it’s roughly similar to a lot of the plans that were available several years ago in the individual market. And the concept of a “lifetime” limit doesn’t really matter when you’re talking about a plan that lasts for at most 36 months (the maximum amount of time a single plan can remain in effect under the new federal rules), since you won’t be able to purchase another short-term plan if you develop a serious health condition.
But you’ll see plenty of short-term policies with much lower benefit limits. As a general rule, you’ll want to focus on plans that offer at least $1 million in benefits — health care is shockingly expensive.
Short-term insurance applications
The application process is very simple for short-term policies. Once you select a plan, the online application is much shorter than it is for standard individual health insurance, and coverage can be effective as early as the next day.
There are no income-related questions (since short-term policies are not eligible for any of the ACA’s premium subsidies), and the medical history section is generally quite short – nowhere near as onerous as the pre-2014 individual health insurance applications were.
Keep in mind that although the medical history section generally only addresses the most serious conditions in order to determine whether or not the applicant is eligible for coverage, short-term plans generally have blanket disclaimers stating that no pre-existing conditions are covered.
And post-claims underwriting is common on short-term plans. So although the insurer may accept your application based simply on what you disclose when you apply, they can — and likely will — go back through your medical history with a fine-toothed comb if and when you have a significant claim. If they find anything indicating that the current claim might be related to a pre-existing condition, they can rescind your coverage or deny the claim. So although a short-term plan might work well to cover a broken leg, it’s going to be less useful if you end up with a health condition that tends to take a while to develop, as the insurer may determine that the condition, or something related to it, began before your coverage was in force. This story is a good example of how this works.
Clearly, short-term plans are not as good as the ACA-regulated policies that you can purchase during open enrollment or during a special enrollment period. Short-term insurance is not regulated by the ACA, so it doesn’t have to follow the ACA’s rules: The plans still have benefit maximums, and they are not required to cover the ten essential benefits. (Most often, short-term plans don’t cover maternity, prescription drugs, preventive care, or mental health/addiction treatment), they do not have to limit out-of-pocket maximums, and they do not cover pre-existing conditions. They also still use medical underwriting, so coverage is not guaranteed issue.
The majority of short-term plans do not cover outpatient prescriptions. Using a pharmacy discount card may lower medication costs without health insurance, and some discount prices may be lower than an insurance copay.
Not a qualifying event: losing short-term coverage
Although loss of existing minimum essential coverage is a qualifying event that triggers a special open enrollment period for ACA-compliant individual market plans, short-term policies are not considered minimum essential coverage, so the loss of short-term coverage is not a qualifying event (loss of a short-term plan is a qualifying event for employer-sponsored coverage, however, so you’d be able to enroll in your employer’s plan when you short-term plan ends).
Let’s say you lose your job and your employer-sponsored health plan. You then have a 60-day window during which you can enroll in an ACA-compliant plan.
You also have the option to buy a short-term plan at that point, and it may be available with a term of up to a year, depending on where you live. But when the short-term plan ends, you would no longer have access to an ACA-compliant plan (you’d have to wait until the next open enrollment, and a plan selected during open enrollment would become effective on January 1) and although you could purchase another short-term plan, your eligibility would depend on your current medical history. [Some short-term plan insurers offer guaranteed renewability under the new federal rules, meaning that people can renew the plan, without going through medical underwriting, and keep it for up to 36 months. But not all insurers offer this option.]
Although short-term plans do not provide the level of coverage or consumer protections that the new ACA-compliant plans offer, obtaining a short-term policy is better than remaining uninsured. But your best bet is to maintain coverage under an ACA-compliant policy; if you’re not enrolled, you’ll want to do so if you experience a qualifying event (most people don’t take advantage of their qualifying events, perhaps unaware that their opportunity to enroll is limited).
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
The post Miss open enrollment? You’ve got options. appeared first on healthinsurance.org.
What are the deadlines for Obamacare’s open enrollment period?
Key takeaways
Q. What is the deadline to enroll in health insurance coverage in the individual market?
Our 2021 Open Enrollment Guide: Everything you need to know to enroll in an affordable individual-market health plan.
A. In most states, open enrollment for 2021 health plans ended on December 15, 2020. HealthCare.gov, which is the exchange platform that’s used by the majority of the states, tends to follow this schedule fairly closely, while the states that run their own exchange platforms generally offer slightly longer enrollment windows.
HealthCare.gov is being used in 36 states for enrollment in 2021 health plans (it was 38 states as of 2020, but Pennsylvania and New Jersey have both transitioned to their own enrollment platforms as of the fall of 2020; both have also opted to extend their open enrollment windows).
As described below, California, Colorado, and DC have opted to permanently extend their open enrollment periods. And most of the other fully state-run exchanges have opted to extend the open enrollment period for 2021 coverage, meaning it will continue past December 15.
Outside of open enrollment, plan changes and new enrollments are only possible for people who experience a qualifying event.
Native Americans and Alaska Natives can enroll year-round in plans offered in the exchange. Applicants who are eligible for Medicaid or CHIP can also enroll year-round.
States where open enrollment ended on December 15, 2020
In the following states, open enrollment ended on December 15 (although due to high call volume on December 15, HealthCare.gov had some callers leave their contact information; the exchange will call these people back over the next few days to complete their enrollment in 2021 coverage):
California, Colorado, and DC: Open enrollment has been permanently extended
California: November 1 – January 31. California enacted legislation in 2017 and again in 2019 that permanently establishes different enrollment dates within the state, both on and off-exchange. Open enrollment for 2021 health plans began November 1, 2020 and will continue through January 31, 2020. California’s enrollment schedule has varied in previous years, but this three-month window, from the beginning of November through the end of January, will be the permanent enrollment window going forward.
Colorado: November 1 – January 15. Colorado’s Division of Insurance has also permanently extended open enrollment. The state finalized regulations in late 2018 that call for an annual special enrollment period, running from December 16 to January 15, that is added to the end of open enrollment each year. So open enrollment in Colorado will effectively last 2.5 months for all future enrollment periods (November 1 to January 15). Plans selected between December 16 and January 15 must take effect no later than February 1 (for 2021 coverage, the exchange is giving people until December 18 to enroll, although they have to call the customer service center to request a January 1 effective date if they’re enrolling between December 16 and 18).
DC: November 1 – January 31. DC’s exchange board voted unanimously to permanently implement an open enrollment window that runs from November 1 to January 31.
Enrollment for 2021 health plans still open in ten states and DC
In addition to the three permanent extensions described above, open enrollment for 2021 health plans has also been extended in ten of the other 12 fully state-run exchanges. The extended deadline has already passed in Minnesota and Idaho, but open enrollment is still ongoing as of early January in ten states and DC, with the following enrollment deadlines:
The deadline for a January 1 effective date has passed in all of those states, so enrollments are currently (as of early January) being processed for a February 1 effective date.
Although open enrollment ended on December 15 in Maryland, the state announced in early January that it was opening a new COVID-related special enrollment period that will continue through March 15, 2021. Uninsured Maryland residents can use this window as an opportunity to enroll in coverage through Maryland’s exchange, but people who already have coverage cannot make plan changes during this window.
Minnesota‘s exchange and Idaho‘s exchange also extended open enrollment, but they ended December 22 and December 31, respectively. Idaho announced its extension on December 18 (three days after the original deadline had passed; this is the first time Idaho’s exchange has ever added a significant extension to open enrollment). Connecticut stuck with a December 15 deadline right up until the end of open enrollment, and then announced an additional month starting on December 16.
The only other fully state-run exchanges are in Vermont and Maryland, so they’re the only other states that had the option to extend open enrollment beyond the deadline that HealthCare.gov imposes. But both of them opted to end open enrollment on December 15. As noted above, however, Maryland is allowing uninsured residents a COVID-related special enrollment period that continues through March 15, 2021.
State-run exchanges have some flexibility on open enrollment schedule
The 2017 market stabilization rule noted that the November 1-December 15 open enrollment period would apply in every state in the fall of 2017. However, they also noted that some state-based exchanges — there are 13 of them as of 2020, and potentially 16 as of 2021 — might experience logistical difficulties in getting their systems ready for the new schedule on a fairly tight timeframe.
As such, the market stabilization rule clarified that state-based exchanges could use their own flexibility to “supplement the open enrollment period with a special enrollment period, as a transitional measure, to account for those operational difficulties.” Since then, the majority of the state-based exchanges have opted to extend open enrollment for most years.
For 2020 enrollments, Maryland, Vermont, and Nevada opted to keep the December 15 end date (and Idaho came very close to it; their reason for a one-day extension was that their call center isn’t open on Sundays, and the 15th fell on a Sunday. In general, Idaho residents should expect that the enrollment window will not be extended in the future, given how well they’ve adhered to that deadline for the last few years).
As we can see from the decisions in DC, California, and Colorado (to permanently extend open enrollment), and in Pennsylvania and Nevada (to extend open enrollment for 2021 coverage), states with their own enrollment platforms still have flexibility going forward. HHS has defined open enrollment as the window from November 1 to December 15, and that applies in every state. But state-run exchanges have the option to offer special enrollment periods before or after that window, in order to effectively extend open enrollment.
In addition to Pennsylvania, New Jersey is expected to also have state-run exchange platform by the fall of 2020; New Mexico plans to join them in the fall of 2021, and Maine might do so as well by the fall of 2021. Oregon may join them in the future as well. Fully state-run exchanges are the only ones with the ability to extend open enrollment on their own (in the other states, the decision has to come from CMS, since the extension has to be issued via HealthCare.gov), and most of them have been choosing to do so each year.
Outside of the open enrollment window, enrollment is only available with a qualifying event
After open enrollment ends, people can only purchase coverage if they have a special enrollment period triggered by a qualifying event such as:
Regardless of whether you purchase insurance through the exchange or off-exchange, the annual open enrollment window applies, and special enrollment periods are necessary in order to enroll at any other time of the year.
In 2016, HHS tightened up the rules regarding eligibility for special enrollment periods, and they further tightened the rules in 2017, as part of the market stabilization rule. As a result, the rules are being followed much more closely than they were in previous years, and in most states, anyone enrolling during a special enrollment period is required to provide proof of the qualifying event that they experienced.
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
The post What are the deadlines for Obamacare’s open enrollment period? appeared first on healthinsurance.org.
The Scoop: health insurance news – December 30, 2020
In this edition
Open enrollment continues in 11 states and DC, ends Thursday in Idaho
Although open enrollment for 2021 health plans ended in mid-December in most states, it’s still ongoing in Washington, DC, and 11 states. Idaho’s open enrollment period is the next to end, on December 31; the others will continue to allow people to enroll until mid or late January.
Miss open enrollment? You may be eligible for a special enrollment period if you have a qualifying life event.
In Idaho, Nevada, Rhode Island, California, New Jersey, and New York, you can still enroll now for coverage that takes effect on Friday, January 1. (The deadline for this is today in California, and tomorrow in the rest of those states.)
In Colorado, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Washington, Massachusetts, and Washington, DC, new enrollments are currently being processed for a February 1 effective date.
If you’re in a state where open enrollment is ongoing and you’ve got questions, check out our comprehensive guide to open enrollment. If you live elsewhere, you may still be able to enroll if you experience a qualifying event that triggers a special enrollment period.
Federal protections against surprise balance billing will take effect in 2022
President Trump signed the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021, into law on Sunday, following a brief delay during which it was uncertain whether the bill would survive. The wide-ranging legislation includes fairly strong federal protections against surprise balance billing, which will take effect in January 2022.
Some states have tackled this issue on their own. Most recently, Ohio state lawmakers passed HB388 last week, though the bill has not yet been signed into law. But state laws don’t apply to self-insured plans (which account for the majority of employer-sponsored coverage) and many states have not yet enacted consumer protections against surprise balance billing.
There has long been a need for federal action on this issue, and broad bipartisan consensus that consumers should not be stuck in the middle of surprise balance billing situations. But ironing out the details between medical providers and insurers has taken years of debate. The new law will mostly ensure that consumers are not responsible for additional charges when they see out-of-network providers at an in-network facility or during an emergency situation. But notably, the law will still allow for surprise balance billing from ground ambulance services.
Today is final day to submit a comment on proposed health insurance rule changes for 2022
The day before Thanksgiving, CMS published the proposed Notice of Benefit and Payment Parameters for 2022. This annual rulemaking document is lengthy and covers a wide range of provisions, but we summarized several that might have the most direct impact on consumers.
CMS is accepting public comments on the proposed rules, but only through midnight tonight. If you want to comment, you can do so by going to the proposed rule and clicking on the “submit a formal comment” tab on the right side of the page. You can see the comments that other people have submitted – including this detailed and thoughtful comment from Charles Gaba – which might help you clarify your own concerns or suggestions for CMS.
Effectuated enrollment for the first half of 2020 was about 3.4% higher than 2019
CMS has published effectuated marketplace enrollment data for the first half of 2020. Not surprisingly, average effectuated enrollment from January to June this year was higher than last year, by about 350,000 people. For the first six months of 2020, an average of more than 10.5 million people had effectuated coverage through the marketplaces, versus under 10.2 million during the same time period in 2019. As explained here by Andrew Sprung, effectuated enrollment for just the month of June was likely even more significantly elevated when compared with June of 2019, although those official numbers aren’t yet available.
Average monthly premiums were about 3 percent lower than they had been in 2019, and average monthly premium subsidy (premium tax credit) amounts were about 4 percent lower. This is not surprising, given that average premiums for existing plans decreased slightly in 2020 and insurers entered the marketplaces in at least 19 states, in some cases with premiums that were lower than the existing plans’ rates. (In states that use HealthCare.gov, average benchmark plan premiums were 4 percent lower in 2020 than they had been in 2019, and premium subsidy amounts are based on the cost of the benchmark plan in each area.)
State insurance commissioners send policy recommendations to President-elect Biden
Last week, insurance commissioners from Colorado, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Oregon, California, Delaware, Hawaii, Washington, Minnesota, Michigan, and Wisconsin sent a letter to President-elect Biden, making health policy recommendations that the incoming administration could implement in order to improve access to health coverage and medical care.
The recommendations are summarized here, and include immediately available actions, such as opening up a special enrollment period on HealthCare.gov in conjunction with restored federal funding for outreach, mitigating the unexpected tax hits that people may unexpectedly face next spring when they reconcile their 2020 premium tax credits, and issuing an interim final rule to reverse some of the proposed rule changes for 2022, if the Notice of Benefit and Payment Parameters are finalized (without significant changes) prior to Biden’s inauguration.
The letter also implores the Biden administration to make various long-term changes, including the reversal of rules that were put in place under the Trump administration that led to increasing uninsured rates and the proliferation of non-comprehensive health plans.
California law will help people transition seamlessly to exchange if they lose coverage
California Senate Bill 260, which was signed into law in 2019 and takes effect on Friday, will help to ensure that California residents who lose their health insurance are able to easily transition to coverage through Covered California (the state-run exchange), which can be either a private plan or Medi-Cal, depending on the person’s financial situation.
Under the terms of the new law, state-regulated health plans in California will provide the exchange with contact information of any plan member whose coverage terminates, unless the person has specifically opted out of this program. The exchange will then be able to reach out to these individuals to let them know what coverage options and financial assistance are available to them.
Starting in July, SB260 will also require Covered California to automatically enroll people who are losing Medi-Cal coverage into the lowest-cost available Silver plan, although the person will also be given the option to select a different plan or to reject the auto-enrollment altogether.
Medicaid eligibility restored for COFA citizens
In addition to COVID-19 relief, surprise balance billing protections, and a host of other reforms, the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021 also restores access to Medicaid for citizens from the Marshall Islands, Palau, and the Federated States of Micronesia who live in the United States under the terms of the Compacts of Free Association.
A drafting error in the 1996 welfare reform legislation eliminated Medicaid access for COFA migrants, and it’s taken nearly a quarter of a century of advocacy and legislative efforts to restore it. As many as 94,000 COFA migrants nationwide could benefit from the restored access to Medicaid, which took effect immediately when the law was enacted.
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
The post The Scoop: health insurance news – December 30, 2020 appeared first on healthinsurance.org.
The Scoop: health insurance news – December 23, 2020
In this edition
Open enrollment continues in 11 states, Washington, DC
Although open enrollment for 2021 individual and family health insurance ended last week in most states, and ended last night in Minnesota, open enrollment is still ongoing in 11 states and Washington, DC, with the following enrollment deadlines:
Enrollment up 6.6% for 2021 in states that use HealthCare.gov
Last Friday, CMS published preliminary enrollment data for the 36 states that used HealthCare.gov during the open enrollment period that ended last week. Across those 36 states, a total of 8.23 million people enrolled in private plans through HealthCare.gov. As Charles Gaba notes, that’s a 6.6 percent increase over last year, after we account for the fact that Pennsylvania and New Jersey are now running their own exchange platforms and will report their enrollment numbers separately. (Both also have ongoing enrollment periods, as noted above.)
As detailed by Andrew Sprung, private-plan enrollment via the exchange in states that have not expanded Medicaid is about 10 percent higher for 2021 than it was for 2020, while enrollment is slightly lower in states that have expanded Medicaid. Sprung offers several explanations for this, including the fact that many who lost their incomes in 2020 have transitioned to Medicaid, which is more likely to be an available option in states that have expanded Medicaid. Sprung has also tracked the significant increase in the number of people covered by Medicaid this year.
Trump administration finalizes rule changes for grandfathered group plans
Earlier this month, the Trump administration finalized new rules for grandfathered group health plans. The rule change is essentially the same as the changes that the administration proposed in July, but the effective date has been pushed out to mid-June 2021, as opposed to the originally proposed effective date of 30 days after the rules were finalized.
Under the new rules, grandfathered group plans that are HSA-qualified will be able to make cost-sharing increases necessary to retain their HSA-qualified status, even if the increases exceed the limits that would otherwise have applied to grandfathered plans. (This situation has not yet arisen, but if it does in the future, the rule change will allow these plans to keep both their HSA-qualified status and their grandfathered status.) And the new rules will also allow grandfathered group plans to increase their cost-sharing amounts by a larger threshold than previously permitted, with allowable cost-sharing expected to be about 3 percentage points higher under the new rule.
Congress passes legislation to protect consumers from surprise balance billing
The surprise balance billing legislation that we told you about last week was included in the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021, which passed earlier this week with strong bipartisan support in both the House and Senate. President Trump was widely expected to sign it as soon as it reached his desk, but he cast doubt on that via Twitter on Tuesday night, expressing displeasure at some aspects of the legislation. Trump didn’t say that he would veto the bill, but the video he shared on Twitter indicated that the current bill is no longer a sure thing.
In its current form, the massive bill includes government funding for the first three quarters of 2021, extensive COVID-19 relief, and numerous other provisions, including strong consumer protections against surprise balance billing that will take effect in January 2022. As the Kaiser Family Foundation’s Larry Levitt explains in this Twitter thread, the new legislation provides strong consumer protections, and – assuming it does get signed into law – will result in consumers having to pay just their normal in-network cost-sharing when they receive emergency care or unknowingly receive care from an out-of-network provider at an in-network facility.
Protections against surprise balance billing for ground ambulance charges are not included in the legislation, despite the fact that ambulance rides often result in surprise balance billing. But the legislation does call for a commission that will study ground ambulance charges in hopes of incorporating additional consumer protections in a future piece of legislation.
Congresses passes legislation to make health insurers subject to federal antitrust laws
The Competitive Health Insurance Reform Act of 2020 – H.R.1418 – passed in the Senate last night and is now headed to President Trump’s desk (it was passed by the House in September). Under the terms of this legislation, health insurance companies will be subject to federal antitrust laws, reversing a 75-year-old exemption that was granted in 1945 via the McCarran-Ferguson Act.
Sens. Steve Daines (R-Montana) and Patrick Leahy (D-Vermont) shepherded the bipartisan bill through the Senate. In announcing the passage of the bill, Daines noted that it “will ensure that health insurance issuers are subject to the same federal antitrust laws prohibiting unfair trade practices, such as price-fixing and collusion, as virtually every other industry in our economy.” The rest of the McCarran-Ferguson Act – which gives states the right to regulate their insurance markets — is unchanged by H.R.1418.
Ohio enacts legislation to end ‘fail first’ drug requirements for stage 4 cancer treatment
This week, Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine signed a new law prohibiting Ohio health insurance plans from imposing “fail first” requirements on drug coverage for people with stage 4 cancer. S.B.252 prohibits insurers from requiring these patients to try a cheaper medication first and then only cover another medication if the first did not work. These “fail first” requirements are often imposed on newer, cutting-edge therapies that tend to be more expensive than older medications, but Ohio’s legislation stems from the fact that time is of the essence with metastatic cancer.
Delaware proposal calls for increased investment in primary care
Delaware’s Insurance Commissioner, Trinidad Navarro, and the state’s Office of Value-Based Health Care Delivery have published a report that outlines proposals for improving access to primary care in the state without increasing healthcare costs. The report calls for health insurers in Delaware to increase their investments in primary care while decreasing price growth for some other services, including hospital care, and to transition to a value-based payment model instead of a fee-for-service model. The state is accepting public comments on the report until January 25, 2021.
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
The post The Scoop: health insurance news – December 23, 2020 appeared first on healthinsurance.org.
Don’t forget to pack travel health insurance
Key takeaways
Know the specifics of your health plan
“Will my health insurance cover me when I’m traveling?” It’s a question that most travelers have, but the answer varies depending on the type of coverage you have and where you’re traveling.
First things first: Before you plan any trip, it’s wise to contact your health insurer and ask specific questions about your coverage while traveling. Ask them to refer you to written documents (or send them to you), as you’ll want to have details in writing that clarify exactly what is and isn’t covered when you travel. Although we’ll provide a general overview here, there’s no substitute for finding out exactly how your specific policy covers you when you leave your home area.
Travel within the United States
If you’re traveling within the U.S., you’ll generally have coverage for emergency care provided in an emergency room in another state. This is true regardless of your plan’s network structure (EPO, PPO, HMO, or POS) or how extensive the network is.
If you’re traveling outside your home state, your health plan may or may not have in-network providers in your destination state. Employer-sponsored plans (especially those offered by large employers) often have nationwide networks, but individual market plans (the kind you buy on your own, either through the exchange or directly from an insurer) almost invariably now have localized networks that do not include nationwide in-network coverage.
So your access to in-network coverage outside your home state depends in large part on where you get your health insurance.
Assuming that you do not have in-network coverage when you’re in another state, there are a few things to keep in mind:
Supplemental coverage
Some people purchase supplemental coverage to offset some of the potential costs that could be incurred if a medical situation arises while in another state:
Supplemental plans are also useful for covering out-of-pocket costs that arise from in-network and non-emergency situations, so they’re suitable for maintaining as year-round, whether you’re traveling or not. But they should never be relied upon as stand-alone coverage (ie, you still need to have major medical coverage in addition to your supplemental coverage).
And although nobody heads out on vacation planning to end up stuck in the hospital for an extended amount of time, it can happen. This Wall Street Journal article is a sobering reminder that emergency medical situations can sometimes result in long hospital stays with the patient too ill to return home. Out-of-network balance billing can quickly reach unmanageable levels in situations like that, and although the billing can sometimes be resolved with negotiations and mediations, it can also sometimes end up pushing people into bankruptcy.
Will my current plan cover me at all when I’m outside the United States?
It depends on your plan. If you’re enrolled in Medicare, your Medigap plan might provide some coverage for international travel (Original Medicare doesn’t cover care outside the U.S., with very limited exceptions).
If you’ve got private coverage, it depends on your plan. On some plans, life or limb medical emergencies are covered, but the onus is on the patient to prove that the situation was truly an emergency, and the cost of medical evacuation back to the United States is rarely covered by standard U.S.-based health plans. (Travel insurance plans generally do cover medication evacuations).
Travel insurance: A widely available solution if you’re traveling abroad
Most U.S.-based health plans do not cover international travel. Fortunately, travel health insurance plans are widely available, inexpensive, and relatively easy to obtain.
Travel insurance plans are not regulated by the ACA, so they can still have annual and lifetime benefit caps, they do not have to cover pre-existing conditions, and coverage is not guaranteed issue. There’s also no requirement that plans cover the ACA’s ten essential benefits.
But travel medical insurance does provide peace of mind if you’re planning a trip abroad. Coverage is available for U.S. and foreign nationals traveling outside their home countries, and a wide range of plans are available to fit every budget.
Expat insurance: When you need coverage abroad for an extended period of time
If you’re going to be living abroad for an extended period of time, your health insurance needs will be different from those of someone who is taking a vacation overseas. If you’ve been hired by a company that is sending you abroad, they may have already made arrangements for your health coverage. But if you’re self-employed, taking a sabbatical, or retiring overseas, you’ll likely need to sort out your own coverage arrangements.
Fortunately, there are insurers that offer plans specifically tailored to the needs of expats and long-term travelers. These policies can be purchased to include coverage in the U.S. as well as coverage abroad, or to only provide coverage outside the U.S. (your needs may vary depending on whether you’re planning to also maintain your U.S.-based coverage). As is the case with general travel insurance, expat/long-term travel plans are not subject to the ACA’s regulations.
Renewing your travel coverage
Travel medical insurance is not guaranteed renewable, which means that if you need another policy after your first one ends, you’d have to reapply and go through medical underwriting again (similar to short-term insurance).
And since travel insurance is not considered minimum essential coverage, the termination of a travel policy does not trigger a special enrollment period to purchase a regular ACA-compliant health insurance plan in your home state. This is an important reason to make sure that your travel policy is purchased to supplement your regular health plan, not replace it.
If you live abroad and then move back to the United States, you’ll be eligible for a special enrollment period, triggered by your move, during which you can purchase an ACA-compliant plan. But be prepared to prove that you were actually living abroad, and not just on vacation (in guidance related to a permanent relocation, HHS has noted that people need to spend “an entire season or other long period of time” in a location in order to establish residency there).
In the past, regular health insurance had many of the same caveats as travel insurance. But the ACA’s reforms have made us more accustomed to guaranteed-issue coverage that doesn’t discriminate against pre-existing conditions or limit coverage for essential health benefits. So it’s important to read the fine print on any travel insurance policy you’re considering, as the nuances of the coverage may be far different from your normal coverage.
Travel insurance: Read all the fine print
Piper Kan and Reece Huculak-Kimmel both have stories that amount to a cautionary tale about the short-comings of travel insurance. Both little girls were born prematurely in foreign countries, and the extensive medical bills were not covered, despite the fact that in each case the parents had purchased travel health insurance policies and thought they were covered for any contingency.
The take-away? It’s important to pay careful attention to the written details and exclusions of the plan you’re considering. Don’t rely on verbal confirmations of benefits.
But that said, travel insurance is an excellent supplement to your regular policy, and will cover mishaps in foreign countries that would otherwise have to be paid out-of-pocket. Bon voyage!
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
The post Don’t forget to pack travel health insurance appeared first on healthinsurance.org.
Top 10 reasons to use health savings accounts
Key takeaways
You’ve probably heard of health savings accounts (HSAs), and you may have wondered if one would be a good fit for you. You aren’t alone.
According to a survey released in 2018, approximately 22 million Americans have chosen to use a health savings account coupled with a high-deductible health plan (HDHP) to pay for current and future healthcare costs. Plans that participated in the survey reported a 9.2 percent increase in HSA enrollment from 2016 to 2017.
Explaining the growth in enrollment isn’t difficult when one takes a closer look at this financial tool and an impressive array of benefits they offer to people willing and able to use them.
Who can utilize HSAs?
In order to contribute to an HSA, you need to be covered under a high-deductible health insurance plan, either obtained through your employer or purchased on your own. The majority of large employers offer an HDHP option (70 percent did so in 2018), and HDHPs are available for purchase in the individual market nearly everywhere in the country. (That means you can have an HDHP and HSA even if you buy your own health insurance. An employer doesn’t have to be involved.)
Once you’re enrolled in an HDHP, you can open an HSA (or sign up for the one your employer uses) and begin making contributions. And if you’re on the fence about whether it’s the right move for you, here are some things to keep in mind:
1. HSAs offer a triple tax advantage
The HSA is a rare breed in terms of tax-advantaged accounts:
Contributing to your HSA reduces your modified adjusted gross income, which is important to keep in mind if you’re buying your own coverage and trying to qualify for premium subsidies. There’s an upper limit on how high your income can be for subsidy eligibility (400 percent of the FPL), and you might find that an HSA contribution makes you eligible for a premium subsidy when you would otherwise earn too much — or eligible for a larger subsidy, if you were already subsidy-eligible before the HSA contribution. Here’s more about how this works.
2. Paying medical expenses with pre-tax dollars
Once you’ve put money in your HSA, you can withdraw it at any time to pay for a qualified medical expense. And qualified medical expenses go well beyond the out-of-pocket costs for services that are covered by your health insurance plan. They also include includes things like dental and vision costs, as well as products like sunscreen (SPF 30+), bandages, and lip balm.
If you don’t have an HSA, you can only deduct medical expenses by itemizing your deductions on your tax return. And even if you itemize, you can only deduct medical expenses that are in excess of 10 percent of your income (for 2017 and 2018, the threshold was 7.5 percent of your income).
3. Your HSA can be a backup retirement account
If you withdraw money from your HSA before you turn 65 and you’re not using it to pay for qualified medical expenses, you’ll have to pay income tax and a 20 percent penalty. (Don’t do this unless it’s a dire emergency!)
But once you turn 65, that 20 percent penalty no longer applies. You can continue to use your HSA funds for medical expenses, avoiding taxes altogether on the withdrawals. But if you choose to withdraw the money for other purposes, you’ll just pay income tax. This is similar to how a traditional IRA works in terms of taxes. (Note that with a traditional IRA, you can start to withdraw money penalty-free at age 59.5, whereas with an HSA, you have to be 65.)
And unlike traditional IRAs, you’re not required to start taking money out of your HSA when you turn 70.5. If you want to leave it in the account to continue to grow, you can do that.
4. Pre-tax contributions … regardless of your income
Although you can think of your HSA as a backup retirement account, there is no income limit – on the low end or the high end – for deducting HSA contributions.
This is not the case for IRAs: There’s an income limit for Roth IRA contributions, a lower income limit for being about to contribute pre-tax money to a traditional IRA, and both require you (or your spouse) to have enough earned income to cover the contributions.
But to contribute to an HSA, you just need coverage under an HSA-qualified high deductible health plan (HDHP) without any additional major medical coverage, and you can’t be claimed as a dependent on someone else’s tax return. Your income isn’t a factor.
5. The money in your HSA continues to grow …
With an HSA, there’s no “use it or lose it” provision. This is one of the primary differences between an HSA and an FSA. If you put money in your HSA and then don’t withdraw it, it will remain in the account and be available to you in future years.
6. … and you can choose how your HSA grows
HSA funds can be kept in basic interest bearing accounts – similar to a regular savings account at a bank or credit union – or, if you choose an HSA custodian that offers it, you can invest your HSA funds in stocks, bonds, or mutual funds.
There’s no single right answer in terms of what you should do with the money in your HSA before you need to use it. If you’re planning to withdraw all or most of your contributions each year to fund ongoing medical expenses, an FDIC-insured institution might be the best choice. The account will likely only generate small amounts of interest, but it will also be protected from losses.
On the other hand, if you’re looking at your HSA as a long-term investment and your risk tolerance is suited to the stock market’s volatility, you might prefer to invest your HSA funds.
If you buy your own HDHP, you can select from any of the available HSA custodians. (Pay attention to fees, investment options, and expense ratios, as is always the case with investment accounts.)
If you have an HSA through your employer, you might be limited to using the HSA custodian that your employer has selected, at least as far as your employer’s contributions go. And HSA contributions made via payroll deduction are typically free of income tax and payroll tax. You can’t avoid payroll taxes if you make your own HSA contributions outside of your employer’s payroll.
But you’re free to establish a separate HSA on your own, and transfer money out of the HSA your employer selected, and into the one you picked yourself. The IRS considers this a transfer, instead of a rollover, so there are no limits on how often you can do this.
7. You can leave your job and take your HSA
If you have an HSA through your employer, the money in the account is yours. When you leave your job, you get to take the remaining HSA balance with you. (This is another difference between FSAs and HSAs.)
You can choose a new HSA custodian and transfer the money if you wish. There are no taxes on the HSA money you take with you when you leave your job, unless you withdraw the money and don’t use it for medical expenses.
8. Deductibles aren’t necessarily higher than other plans
You must have a high-deductible health plan (HDHP) in order to contribute to an HSA. And it’s understandable that the term “high-deductible” makes people nervous. But the deductibles aren’t necessarily higher than the deductibles for non-HDHPs, and in some cases, they’re even lower.
In 2019, IRS regulations require HDHPs to have deductibles of at least $1,350 for an individual and $2,700 for a family. These minimums will increase slightly in 2020, to $1,400 and $2,800. But average deductibles for Bronze and Silver plans in the individual market are considerably higher than that. Among people who have employer-sponsored plans that include deductibles (more than 80 percent do), the average deductible for a single employee is nearly $1,600.
And the maximum out-of-pocket limits for HDHPs are lower than the maximum out-of-pocket limits for other plans – a difference that is getting wider with each passing year. In 2019, the HDHPs have to cap out-of-pocket costs at no more than $6,750 for an individual, and $13,500 for a family. In contrast, ACA regulations allow non-HDHPs in 2019 to have out-of-pocket limits as high as $7,900 for an individual, and $15,800 for a family. For 2020, the maximum out-of-pocket caps for HDHPs will increase to $6,900 and $13,800, while the upper limit on out-of-pocket costs for non-HDHPs will be $8,150 and $16,300.
So although HSA-qualified plans are officially “high-deductible,” they sometimes have deductibles and out-of-pocket limits that are lower than other available plans. And it’s possible to find HSA-qualified plans at the Bronze, Silver, and Gold metal levels if you’re shopping for your own coverage.
And HDHPs may soon start to cover more services before the deductible, for people with certain chronic conditions. Until 2019, HDHPs were limited to covering only preventive care before the deductible (ie, prior to the insured meeting the minimum deductible amount that the IRS sets each year), and the definition of preventive care was updated in 2013 to align with the preventive services that the ACA requires all non-grandfathered health plans to cover.
But in July 2019, in response to a recent executive order, the IRS issued new guidelines for preventive care that can be covered before the deductible on an HDHP without forfeiting the plan’s HSA eligibility. The new rules took effect immediately, but insureds aren’t likely to see plans with enhanced preventive care benefits until at least 2020, and maybe 2021, as most insurers had already developed their plans for 2020 by the time the new guidelines were issued.
Under the new rules, an HDHP can cover, pre-deductible, certain specific health care benefits for people with certain chronic conditions and the health plan can remain HSA-eligible (assuming it meets all of the other requirements for HSA-eligibility. For people with the following chronic conditions, these services can be covered before the deductible on an HDHP:
Note that although the IRS has provided transitional relief through the end of 2019 for HDHPs that cover male contraception before the deductible, that exception will expire as of 2020 and the new guidance does not change anything about that. So unless the IRS takes additional action, health plans that cover male contraception pre-deductible will no longer be HSA-eligible as of 2020.
Also note that HDHPs will not be required to offer any of these benefits pre-deductible, unless a state decides to require it on state-regulated plans. These are benefits that go above and beyond the federally-required preventive care services, so whether to offer these services pre-deductible will be up to each insurer. But offering them will not cause a plan to lose HDHP status, which would have been the case prior to July 2019.
9. There’s no deadline for reimbursing yourself from your HSA
When you pay a medical bill and you have an HSA, there’s nothing that says you have to pull money out of your HSA to cover the medical bill. And there’s also no time limit on when you can reimburse yourself. As long as the medical expense was incurred after you established the HSA, and you didn’t take it as an itemized deduction, you can reimburse yourself years or decades later — after letting your HSA funds grow in the meantime.
So imagine that you’re contributing to your HSA each year, and also spending a few hundred or a few thousand dollars each year in medical expenses. You pay those bills from your regular bank account, keeping careful track of how much you pay and retaining all of your receipts.
Now let’s say that you decide you want to retire a few years early, before you can start withdrawing money from your regular retirement account. At that point, you can gather up all of the receipts from all the medical expenses you’ve paid since you opened your HSA, and reimburse yourself all at once (this is why it’s so important to keep your receipts — if you’re ever audited, you’ll need to be able to show that the amount you withdrew from your HSA was equal to the amount you had paid in medical bills over the years).
The money you withdraw is still tax-free at that point, since all you’re doing is reimbursing medical expenses (again, be careful not to withdraw more than you’ve spent in medical expenses; if you do, you’ll have to pay income tax and a 20 percent penalty on the excess withdrawal). But because you waited a few decades to reimburse yourself, you’ve given the money in your HSA many years to grow, tax-free, resulting in a potentially larger stash of funds.
10. Your HSA can be your long-term care fund
If you’re healthy and don’t have much in the way of medical expenses, you can think of your HSA as a really long-term investment. You’ll have to stop contributing to it once you’re enrolled in Medicare, but the money that’s already in the account at that point can continue to grow from one year to the next during your retirement.
You might find that you want to use your HSA funds, tax-free, to pay Medicare premiums. (That’s Part A if you’re not eligible for premium-free Part A, as well as Part B and Part D. You can also pay Medicare Advantage premiums with HSA funds, but you cannot pay Medigap premiums with tax-free HSA money.) Or you might need the HSA funds to cover out-of-pocket medical expenses during retirement.
But if you end up needing long-term care, the cost is likely to dwarf the out-of-pocket medical expenses you had earlier in your retirement. Medicare doesn’t cover long-term care, and Medicaid only steps in if you’re low-income and have exhausted almost all of your assets.
You can buy private long-term care insurance, but some people opt to treat an HSA as an investment earmarked for potential long-term care bills incurred late in life. If you don’t end up needing long-term care, your HSA can be passed on to your heirs, similar to a retirement account.
Clearly, there are a lot of advantages to an HSA. If you’re enrolled in an HDHP, it’s definitely in your best interest to set up an HSA and fund it. And if you don’t currently have HDHP coverage, it’s well worth considering as a future option.
Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts.
The post Top 10 reasons to use health savings accounts appeared first on healthinsurance.org.
Healthcare sharing ministries: A leap of faith?
As health insurance premiums rise, so does the popularity of cheaper alternatives to covering medical expenses. That’s one reason why healthcare sharing ministries – which can average less than half the cost of traditional health insurance plans – have seen a major membership surge in the past few years.
Healthcare sharing ministries are faith-based non-profit organizations that pool members’ money to share medical expenses. As long as the ministry has been in existence since December 31, 1999, participation exempts members from the Affordable Care Act’s individual mandate to have health insurance (that’s no longer an issue after the end of 2018, as the federal individual mandate penalty won’t apply in 2019 or future years).
These organizations generally require members to make a promise to adhere to certain biblical values and to participate regularly in worship or prayers. As a result, some health conditions don’t comport, leaving members to pay out-of-pocket for illnesses stemming from the use of tobacco, alcohol, and drug addiction, for example. They typically don’t pay for mental health services, out-of-wedlock pregnancies, contraceptives or abortion either.
Since the Affordable Care Act became law, membership for healthcare sharing ministries has grown at a rapid rate. The Commonwealth Fund reports that there were an estimated one million people enrolled in health care sharing ministry plans as of 2018, up from about 200,000 as of 2010 (the year the ACA was implemented). More than 100 health care sharing ministries are in operation in the US, although nearly all of them are affiliated with small Mennonite churches; most health care sharing ministry members are enrolled in coverage offered by Samaritan Ministries, Medi-Share, Christian Healthcare Ministries, and Liberty Healthshare.
Desire for cheaper plans fuels interest
Why the rapid growth? Health care sharing ministry plans are far less expensive than ACA-compliant coverage for people who aren’t eligible for premium subsidies in the exchange. As long as they’re healthy, can agree to a sharing ministry’s lifestyle requirements, and aren’t concerned with the coverage gaps and reduced regulatory oversight, they can pay a lot less each month for their coverage by using a sharing ministry plan.
For example, a single person between the age of 30 and 64 who signs up with Liberty HealthShare ministry will pay $299/month. A couple will pay $399/month, and a family will pay $529/month. The plan will share up to $1,000,000 per incident, and there’s an “unshared amount” (similar to a deductible) that ranges from $1,000 to $2,250.
A single 50-year-old enrolling in Medi-Share (Christian Care Ministry) will pay between $176/month and $484/month, depending on their health and the unshared amount that they select. For a family of four with 50-year-old parents, the Medi-Share monthly cost will range from $301 to $959.
Compare that to average monthly premiums through the ACA marketplaces of $668 for a 50-year old individual purchasing a silver on-exchange plan for 2019 without any premium subsidies. A family of four (50-year-old parents and two teenage kids) will pay an average of nearly $2,000/month for a silver plan in the exchange if they aren’t eligible for premium subsidies in 2019. And silver plans can have out-of-pocket exposure as high as $7,900 for an individual and $15,800 for a family
It’s worth noting here that most middle-class families do qualify for premium subsidies in the exchange; subsidies are available for a household of four people with an income of more than $100,000 in 2019. And “income” refers to the ACA-specific calculation for modified adjusted gross income (MAGI): Contributions to retirement plans and a health savings acount will result in a lower MAGI and potentially larger premium subsidies.
But if there’s no way you’re eligible for subsidies, the monthly costs might make a sharing ministry plan look like a good option. But before ditching your ACA-compliant health insurance policy, here are five things to know about healthcare sharing ministries.
1. They’re not health insurance
Although designed to help consumers cover the cost of medical expenses, healthcare sharing ministries differ in significant ways from health insurance policies that comply with the Affordable Care Act.
“It’s voluntary and cooperative and motivated by compassion and the urge to assist another person in need. That’s really what drives it versus an insurance arrangement where there is a contract of indemnity. That’s the essential difference,” says Dale Bellis, Liberty Health Share’s executive director.
Each healthcare sharing ministry operates a bit differently, but generally the money collected from members each month is placed into an account. The ministry then facilitates the direct sharing of medical costs among members.
“Each month members can see the names of other members who have benefited from their monthly share amount,” says Michael Gardner, director of marketing and communications for Christian Care Ministry, a healthcare sharing ministry in Melbourne, Florida.
2. State and federal regulations don’t apply
Consumers who face problems with a healthcare sharing ministry, such as when a claim is paid or a service is not covered, aren’t protected by their state’s insurance department.
As of 2018, there are 30 states with laws that exempt health care sharing ministries from laws that apply to health insurance. So members of healthcare sharing ministries in those states don’t get the benefit of regulatory oversight from the insurance department. That’s because healthcare sharing ministries are not health insurance companies and do not technically offer health insurance
So there are no guarantees that certain services or treatments, such as preventive visits and contraceptives, mental healthcare and treatment associated with drug or alcohol use or abuse, are covered. And in many cases, some of those services are specifically excluded. The ACA’s consumer protections don’t apply to health care sharing ministries, so essential health benefits don’t have to be covered.
Most health care sharing ministries do have formal appeals processes in place, but they aren’t enforced by federal or state law.
LibertyShare, for example, alerts members on its website about their rights when grievances over uncovered medical costs occur, and when attempts at resolving the dispute don’t work in the member’s favor.
This program is not an insurance company nor is it offered through an insurance company. This program does not guarantee or promise that your medical bills will be paid or assigned to others for payment. Whether anyone chooses to pay your medical bills will be totally voluntary. As such, this program should never be considered as a substitute for an insurance policy. Whether you receive any payments for medical expenses and whether or not this program continues to operate, you are always liable for any unpaid bills.
“It’s buyer beware. If you have health costs not covered there is very little recourse for you. You can’t go to a government agency to complain,” explains Sabrina Corlett, with the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University’s Health Policy Institute. And as the fine print clearly notes, the sharing ministry plan should not be considered a substitute for health insurance.
3. Underwriting is permitted
One common practice the ACA outlawed was the ability of health insurers to turn away people with pre-existing health conditions, or to charge them more for coverage.
Not so with healthcare sharing ministries.
Medical underwriting is allowed and pre-existing health conditions can be excluded from coverage.
4. There are limits to coverage
Unlike health insurance, there are generally limits to the amount of medical expenses healthcare sharing ministries will cover – in some cases, a maximum payout of $125,000 per incident and $1,000,000 per diagnosis.
Although healthcare sharing ministries report that most members’ “sharable expenses” are covered, they are clear to say there is no guarantee.
“Neither Medi-Share nor any of its members assume any obligation to pay another member’s medical bills,” Gardner says. Medi-Share’s policy is common among other ministries.
5. No limits on access to doctors, hospitals, but also no guarantee they’ll accept sharing ministry coverage
Christian Care Ministry is one of a few organizations with a provider network it suggests members tap for care. According to Gardner, staff is better able to negotiate a discounted rate when members see one of the more than 700,000 providers participating with the organization nationwide. However, members are allowed to see any provider they wish.
In most cases, ministries will negotiate prices on members’ behalf. And, it’s a good deal for both the patient and providers, they say. According to Bellis, 97 percent of all doctors and hospitals take the reimbursement they negotiate.
But there’s another side to this as well: Doctors and hospitals can treat sharing ministry members as cash-paying patients, which means they might not accept them at all, if the patient is expected to rack up a significant bill. To be clear, doctors and hospital like cash-paying patients if the patient pays up front or the bill is relatively small and there’s an expectation that the patient will be able to pay it without much trouble. But when a bill is expected to be substantial and isn’t paid up front, a patient without a solid insurance policy backing them might experience difficulties in getting the hospital to provide treatment.
Look before a leap of faith
Corlette of Georgetown University’s Health Policy Institute says anyone considering a healthcare sharing ministry in place of an ACA-compliant health insurance plan just needs to enter with their eyes wide open.
“What I would say about health sharing ministries is they are a leap of faith, both literally and figuratively.”
The post Healthcare sharing ministries: A leap of faith? appeared first on healthinsurance.org.
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